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Vol. 39, Nº 68 (Enero - Junio) 2021, 225-233
IEPDP-Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas - LUZ
Formation and development of the
foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey
with the Turkic-speaking states of
Central Asia
DOI: https://doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.13
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov *
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin **
Luiza Kajumovna Karimova ***
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova ****
Abstract
So far, the country has not had an ofcial document dening
the concept of foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. The
relevance of the problem under study lies in the need to dene
modern approaches to the Foreign Policy of the Republic of
Turkey with respect to Central Asian States. The objective of this article is to
analyses the evolution of Turkish foreign policy towards Turkish-speaking
states since the early 1990swhile determining the role and importance of
these states to Turkey. Historical-genetic and chronological methods have
been used as tools to support historical study. The historical and genetic
method allows to track the dissemination and consistent of changes in the
object of this study. In addition, the method of research and presentation
of chronological problems contributes to consistent coverage of the
peculiarities of signicant events of regional and international importance.
The study revealed a tendency to transform Turkey’s policy towards The
Turkish-speaking states of Central Asia, since the collapse of the Soviet
Union.
Keywords: International relations; geopolitical regional studies; Turkey’s
foreign policy; Central Asia; strategic vision.
* Candidate of History Sciences (PhD in history), assistant, Department of regional and Eurasian
studies, Institute of International Relations, Kazan Federal University. ORCID ID: https://orcid.
org/0000-0003-0678-0514. Email: Farkhadgumarov@yandex.ru
** Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of regional studies and
Eurasian studies, Institute of international relations, Kazan Federal University. ORCID ID: https://
orcid.org/0000-0002-3798-4328. Email: maratscorpion@yandex.com
*** Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, Department of Regional Studies and Eurasian
Studies, Institute of International Relations, Kazan Federal University. ORCID ID: https://orcid.
org/0000-0002-0353-8493. Email: LU_KA_S@rambler.ru
**** Assistant, Department of Regional Studies and Eurasian Studies, Institute of International Relations,
Kazan Federal University. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3619-6335. Email: elvira-imoiv@
mail.ru
226
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov, Marat Zufarovich Galiullin, Luiza Kajumovna Karimova y
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova
Formation and development of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey with the Turkic-
speaking states of Central Asia
Formación y desarrollo de la política exterior de la
República de Turquía con los estados de habla turca de
Asia Central
Resumen
Hasta ahora el país no cuenta con un documento ocial que dena el
concepto de política exterior de la República de Turquía. La relevancia del
problema en estudio radica en la necesidad de denir enfoques modernos
de la política exterior de la República de Turquía con respecto a los Estados
de Asia Central. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la evolución de la
política exterior turca hacia los Estados de habla turca desde principios de
la década de 1990 y, al mismo tiempo, determinar el papel y la importancia
de estos estados para Turquía. Los métodos histórico-genéticos y de
problemas-cronológicos se han utilizado como herramientas de apoyo
al estudio histórico. El método histórico y genético permite rastrear la
divulgación y consistente de cambios en el objeto de este estudio. Además,
el método de investigación y presentación de problemas cronológicos
contribuye a una cobertura consistente de las peculiaridades de eventos
signicativos de importancia regional e internacional. El estudio reveló una
tendencia a transformar la política de Turquía hacia los Estados de habla
turca de Asia Central, desde el colapso de la unión soviética.
Palabras clave: Relaciones internacionales; estudios regionales
geopolíticos; política exterior de Turquía; Asia central;
visión estratégica.
Introduction
In 1992, G. Fuller in his work “Turkey Looks East” wrote that the Turkish
government was cautious at a time when the status of the “new republics”
was not obvious. Turkey tried to avoid any action that could be interpreted
as undermining the foundations of the USSR. In Atatürk’s legacy, there is
a clear warning against all kinds of Panturkist aspirations and big projects
that were characteristic of Ottoman Empire politics in its nal years.
Atatürk called to focus efforts on creating an ethnically homogeneous state
within realistic boundaries. In December 1991 after the ofcial collapse of
the USSR Turkey’s foreign policy changed dramatically (Fuller, 1992). The
Turkish academician Sabri Sayari wrote that Turkey had been cut off from
the Turkic-speaking regions of the USSR since Stalin’s tough policy. During
the USSR period, it was impossible to build relations with the Turkic-
speaking community (Sayasi, 1994). Indeed, Moscow had the exclusive
right to represent the republics of the Union on the international stage.
227
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 39 Nº 68 (Enero - Junio 2021): 225-233
After the end of the Cold War, it was difcult for Turkey to start building
relations with Azerbaijan and the countries of Central Asia, as these
countries remained dependent on Russia, their economy was weakened,
a large number of internal problems and negative sentiment in society
prevented (Karpat, 2003). During the USSR, it was not fully possible to
build relations with related nations, after the collapse of the USSR Turkey
had a chance to restore cultural and economic ties (Winrow, 1998).
1. Methods
Historical-genetic and problem-chronological methods have been used
as supporting tools of historical study. The historical and genetic method
allows tracing the consistent disclosure of changes of the object of this study.
The problem-chronological method of research and presentation contributes
to consistent coverage of the peculiarities of signicant events of regional
and international importance. The study revealed a tendency to transform
Turkey’s policy towards the Turkic-speaking States of Central Asia (CA). An
important basis of this study is an interdisciplinary approach, which allows
combining applied analysis within the framework of the regional scientic
tradition, combining it with political analysis. Historicism involves the
study of a phenomenon in terms of its development, which is essential
for the analysis of inter-State relations at the present stage. This principle
allowed us to establish a causal relationship, to nd and understand the
origins, to highlight important stages of bilateral and multilateral relations.
2. Results and Discussions
In the end of the Cold War Turkey’s role has largely declined as the
threat of the spread of communist ideology has disappeared. Thus, Turkey
has lost a key bargaining chip in building relations with the countries of the
West (Çelik, 1999).
With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union,
Turkey’s importance to the United States and the West began to weaken.
By offering itself as a mediator between Western countries and the newly
formed States of the Caucasus and Central Asia, Turkey was given a chance
to re-increase its international signicance.
Since the 1990s (after the collapse of the USSR), the United States has
seen Turkey as a mediator in the Central Asian region (Lancaster and Van
Dusen, 2005).
After the collapse of the USSR, as a result of the Belovezh Agreement,
the non-Slavic republics were abandoned - such a change in the geopolitical
situation was perceived by Turkey as an opportunity to increase their
228
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov, Marat Zufarovich Galiullin, Luiza Kajumovna Karimova y
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova
Formation and development of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey with the Turkic-
speaking states of Central Asia
political and economic inuence, to act as a developed state integrated
into the world system, to act as an example and point of “assembly” for the
Turkic-speaking world.
Iran also declared its ambitions in the region. Competition between Iran
and Turkey regarding models of state structure in the countries of CA and
Transcaucasia is mentioned in several articles of American and European
authors. This topic is devoted to the article of S.B. Druzhilovsky “Politics
of Turkey and Iran in Central Asia and Transcaucasia” (Druzhilovsky and
Khutorskaya, 2003), which demonstrates that all countries of the region
have chosen the Turkish model of development.
Turkey and the Turkish political model, based on the principles of
secularism, free market, and parliamentary democracy, are examples of
the state structure for the Islamic society of the countries of Central Asia
(Bülent, 1999). Many researchers noted that the Turkish model was the
most attractive for the countries of the region.
At the initial stage of building relations with the newly independent
states of Central Asia, Turkey faced a dilemma - to strengthen its inuence
in the region on its own or to act as an ally of Europe and, especially, the
United States; The second option was chosen (Belokrenitsky, 1996).
Turkey demonstrates to the countries of Central Asia: “An example of
the successful functioning of a secular political system with elements of
Western democracy, which has succeeded in market transformation in the
context of the dominance of Islamic adherents” (Malysheva, 2010: 119).
The Turkish model has become a model of state structure for multi-ethnic
and multi-religious countries with a predominantly Muslim population.
According to the Turkish model, Islam and political democracy can exist
within the same state and society (Winrow, 2000).
Turkish model and its broadcast to the countries - former republics of
the Soviet Union, traditionally of interest to the United States, since as early
as the 1970s, the Green Belt strategy “YešilKušakprojesi” was an integral
part of U.S. foreign policy, Proposed to Brzezin President Jimmy Carter,
to support Islamic regimes in the Middle East, In Iraq, Turkey, Iran, Third
World countries, etc., to counter Islam to Communism.
Ankara was supported by the United States, the United Kingdom
and NATO leadership in establishing close ties with the Central African
countries between 1991 and 1992, concerned about Iran’s expansion in the
region (Winrow, 1995).
Turkish author M. Aydin rightly noted that for the United States, the
EU and Russia it was preferable not militaristic (Iranian), but democratic -
Turkish model of development of these countries (Mustafa, 2005).
229
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 39 Nº 68 (Enero - Junio 2021): 225-233
The democratization model was primarily supported by the US and EU
countries, which also affected its attractiveness.
In 1992, US Secretary of State James Baker openly called on CA leaders
to abandon the Iranian model in favor of the Turkish development model
(Winrow, 1995).
According to S. Cornell, Iran has been realistic from the beginning about
its capabilities in Central Asia and the Caucasus. Aware of the impossibility
of transferring the Iranian model to the countries of the region and not
wishing to cede inuence to Turkey and the United States in countries near
its border, Iran supports Russia ‘s inuence (Cornell, 2015).
At a meeting held in January 1992 in the United States with President
J. Bush, Turkish Prime Minister S. Demirel announced Turkey ‘s change
of regional status due to the opportunity to inuence the political future of
the Muslim republics of the CIS, and that Turkey is able to represent their
interests in the West (Egorov, 2000). An important agreement was reached
that Turkey would provide direct material and nancial assistance to the
Turkic-speaking CIS countries, but that it would receive compensation for
its costs from the United States and other Western countries. In February
1992, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey went on an
ofcial visit to four Turkic-speaking republics (CA and Azerbaijan).
Many researchers note that the “Hundred Years Dream” implies
Panturkist designs and the creation of the great Turan. Of course, the
geopolitical situation of the early 1990s “opened its head” to representatives
of Turkish political circles. But what did the Turks base their ambitions on?
The “Centennial Dream” is related in large part to the perceptions in
Turkish society of the collapse of the USSR as the liberation of Turkic-
speaking peoples from the “oppression” of Moscow. At the same time,
the majority of the Turkic-speaking population never opposed the USSR.
Moreover, in 1991, in a referendum on the integrity of the USSR, the
overwhelming majority of the population of the “Asian republics” (Lunev,
2007) voted for the preservation of the Union, including in Kazakhstan and
Kyrgyzstan.
In the Republic of Turkey, the perception of the state of affairs in the
Turkic-speaking republics of the USSR was different, a distinction that was
highlighted by both domestic and Turkish researchers.
During the Cold War, Turkey’s relations with the regions that later
became new states were signicantly limited. After the collapse of the
USSR, the Republic of Turkey was unable to adjust to new realities in a
short time, leading to some uncertainty for strategic purposes.
General understanding and scientic knowledge of the post-Soviet
space as a region as a whole for the Turkish intellectual and ruling elite
230
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov, Marat Zufarovich Galiullin, Luiza Kajumovna Karimova y
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova
Formation and development of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey with the Turkic-
speaking states of Central Asia
was limited (Belokrenitsky and Fadeeva, 1997). In many ways, the idea of
the USSR as a state in which national regions constantly resist Moscow as
a center that operates and surrounds the outskirts was formed in Turkey
on the basis of information from representatives of national elites and
former national governments that ed the Soviet Union for fear of physical
destruction (Saray, 1994).
This information about the state of affairs in the Soviet Union, which had
a negative ideological color, was disseminated in a somewhat exaggerated
form in Turkish society. It was with such representations that the Turkish
authorities came to the post-Soviet space, so they were not ready to meet
with the real state of affairs (Yalçın, 1994).
Turkey’s ambitious plans of the 1990s, related primarily to Turkic-
speaking regions, were disconnected from reality, and often caused rejection
in newly formed Turkic-speaking states. Many statements by the leaders of
these countries can be cited, conrming the rejection of Turkey ‘s assertive
and unduly ambitious foreign policy of those years.
The most famous and indicative in this regard is the opinion of the
President of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev, which he expressed in his book
“On the Threshold of the XXI Century”:
It seemed to many that Turkey will be able to solve all our problems. But what
did it mean in fact? This meant renouncing the independence just gained, breaking
traditional relations with neighbors, instead of one “older brother” putting another
on his neck (Nazarbayev, 1996: 42).
More rigid was the assessment of the President of Uzbekistan I.
Karimov - he called in vain Turkey’s hopes “to interfere in our internal life
and manage us,” while noting: “Turkey wants us to become Turks. We are
Uzbek, not Turks” (Basharan, 2018: 58).
All references to Turkey’s politics related to Panturkism and
Panturanism, Refer to the early 1990s. Such - based on misconceptions
about the republics of the USSR, On the departure of the Democratic Party
from the principles of kemalism in foreign policy - the activity showed its
failure as early as 1992, When, at the rst Turkic-speaking summit, the
leaders of the participating countries refused to sign documents prepared
in advance by the Turkish host country on the establishment of a common
bank and any supranational institutions.
Aware of the naivety of the ambitions of Panturkism and the limitations
of its political and economic opportunities to realize what it intended,
Ankara embarked on a transformation of foreign policy, not wanting to
remain a “periphery,” as it was during the Cold War. Turkey has applied
for the role of regional power (Urmanov, 2014). Despite a number of
231
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 39 Nº 68 (Enero - Junio 2021): 225-233
failures related to Turkey’s overly ambitious policy of the 1990s, and close
ties between the Central African regions and Russia, Turkey managed to
establish relations with the countries of the region using ethnic, historical,
cultural and religious ties (Kemal, 1995).
Conclusion
The violent processes that took place in the Eurasian region in the early
1990s led to two “intellectual” consequences in Turkey. On the one hand,
“the sudden rediscovery of almost forgotten peoples of Turkic origin led to
inated hopes and unrealistic expectations from some Turkish ofcials.”
However, on the other hand, it was the collapse of the Soviet Union that
allowed Turkey to overcome its own “Panturanism complex” and establish
relations with Turkic-speaking states, to present the true face of Turkey
outside it, the opposite of the aggressive appearance in which it is sometimes
depicted.
Political processes in Central Asia since the collapse of the USSR and
the formation of new states have aroused great scientic interest among
researchers. For domestic historiography, this issue has its own specicity,
as the countries that were part of the USSR are traditionally considered zone
of Russian geopolitical interests. Therefore, the policy of other States in the
region has always attracted special attention from the public and scientic
circles, and the active policy of the Republic of Turkey is naturally perceived
as competition. This has a bearing on their study of Turkey’s policies in the
region and is often directly or indirectly focused on possible threats. Thus,
Turkey’s policy in Central Asia was considered by E.I. Urazova, N.G. Kireev,
B.M. Pozhveria, S.B. Druzhilovsky, N.Y. Ulchenko, V.A. Nadin-Raevsky,
etc.
Western historiography (G.E. Fuller, S. Cornell, 1999; B.Luis, G. Winrow,
S. Komel, F.C. Larrabi, etc.) often addresses Turkey’s policy issues in the
Central Asian region, the general state and depth of study of the Turkish
Republic’s policy towards Turkic-speaking countries included in the EAEU
should be considered insufcient. In the 1990s, Western researchers were
most interested in the general understanding of the processes that took
place in these countries after the collapse of the USSR. Modern research
emphasizes the strengthening of the Islamic component in Turkey’s politics.
American historiography focuses on the modern concept of Turkey’s foreign
policy. Researchers are primarily concerned about the rise of Islamization
and the associated risks of Turkey abandoning Western values and moving
away from the United States.
232
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov, Marat Zufarovich Galiullin, Luiza Kajumovna Karimova y
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova
Formation and development of the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey with the Turkic-
speaking states of Central Asia
Acknowledgements
The work is performed according to the Russian Government Program
of Competitive Growth of Kazan Federal University.
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