Instituto de Estudios Políticos y Derecho Público "Dr. Humberto J. La Roche"
de la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas de la Universidad del Zulia
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Vol.40 N° 72
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Vol. 40, Nº 72 (2022), 912-926
IEPDP-Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas - LUZ
Recibido el 15/09/2021 Aceptado el 16/12/2021
Theoretical and practical views of
political integration in Central and
Eastern Europe
DOI: https://doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.55
Daria Likarchuk *
Neonila Krasnozhon **
Oleksandr Kuchyk ***
Oksana Kundeus ****
Olha Andrieieva *****
Abstract
The objective of the work was to analyze integration theories
such as federalism, functionalism, neofunctionalism, the
multilevel governance model and the interstate concept. Using the
systemic-integral method, we analyze the main interpretations of
modern integration models. The study also used special methods
typical of international relations theory. The interstate concept is
the most eective, because without denying the importance of integration,
it focuses on the preservation of cultural and economic diversity. The
experience of Poland, the Czech Republic, and the Baltic States, in particular
Latvia, is a valuable integrating example for Ukraine. The results summarize
that the countries analyzed received several advantages for the economic
and military spheres through integration processes. It is concluded that
in the experience of integration of the Balkans and the central-eastern
countries, the importance of European integration processes is evident.
The comparison of Ukraine and Latvia showed the importance of being a
member of the North Atlantic Alliance for security guarantees and political
* Candidate of political science, associate professor at the Department of International Relations Faculty
of PR, journalism and cyber security, Kyiv National University of Culture and Arts, 01601, 36 Yevhen
Konovalets Str., Kyiv, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1603-7601
** PhD (History), Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor of Chair of General History, Legal
Science and Methods of Education Hryhorii Skovoroda Universitu in Pereiaslav; Facultu for Historical,
Social and Psychological Education, 30, Sukhomlynskoho Str., Pereiaslav, Kyiv region, Ukraine, 08401.
ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4735-0641
*** PhD in History, Associate Professor Department of International Relations and Diplomacy Ivan Franko
National University of Lviv, 1, Universytetska Str., Lviv, 79000. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-
0001-9767-9520
**** PhD in Political Sciences, Associate Professor Department of Political Science and Sociology Faculty of
History, Rivne State University of Humanities, Political Studies, and International Relations. ORCID
ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1162-3858
*****
D
octor of political science, professor international information Department Educational and Scientic
Institute of International Relations Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, 36\1 Y. Illienka srt,
Kyiv, Ukraine. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4587-1267
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CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 72 (2022): 912-926
consolidation. At the same time, the Czech Republic’s accession to NATO
has contributed to the reform and modernization of military aairs.
Keywords: integration theory; international relations; Eastern Europe;
geopolitics; Central Europe.
Puntos de vista teóricos y prácticos de la integración
política en Europa Central y del Este
Resumen
El objetivo del trabajo fue analizar teorías de integración como
el federalismo, el funcionalismo, el neofuncionalismo, el modelo de
gobernanza multinivel y el concepto interestatal. Utilizando el método
sistémico-integral, analizamos las principales interpretaciones de los
modelos modernos de integración. El estudio también utilizó métodos
especiales típicos de la teoría de las relaciones internacionales. El
concepto interestatal es el más ecaz, porque sin negar la importancia
de la integración, se centra en la preservación de la diversidad cultural y
económica. La experiencia de Polonia, la República Checa y los Estados
bálticos, en particular Letonia, es un valioso ejemplo integrador para
Ucrania. Los resultados resumen que los países analizados recibieron una
serie de ventajas para las esferas económica y militar mediante procesos
de integración. Se concluye que en la experiencia de integración de los
Balcanes y de los países centro-orientales, se hace patente la importancia
de los procesos de integración europea. La comparación de Ucrania y
Letonia mostró la importancia de ser miembro de la Alianza del Atlántico
Norte para las garantías de seguridad y la consolidación política. Al mismo
tiempo, la adhesión de la República Checa a la OTAN ha contribuido a la
reforma y modernización de los asuntos militares.
Palabras clave: teoría de integración; relaciones internacionales;
Europa del este; geopolítica; Europa central.
Introduction
The development of modern politics is dominated by the processes of
international integration and globalization. Political integration occupies
a separate place in this system. It is the process of the convergence of two
or more political structures that promote cooperation. In a narrower sense,
political integration is a peculiar formation of a certain integral complex of
political systems at the interstate level.
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Daria Likarchuk, Neonila Krasnozhon, Oleksandr Kuchyk, Oksana Kundeus y Olha Andrieieva
Theoretical and practical views of political integration in Central and Eastern Europe
One of the manifestations of such integration is the process of unication
of these structures. In this case, both formal and informal institutions are
necessary for the joint solution of any issues. Modern experts prove that in
an integrated society the degree of interaction between the participants of
integration and the formation of common interests and values signicantly
improves.
The coverage of basic theories and concepts of political integration is an
important experience for currently actively developing states, however, also
for Ukraine. Despite this, the experience of Poland, the Czech Republic, and
the Baltic states, particularly Latvia, are particularly valuable examples of
Ukraine.
Although these countries, like Ukraine, were part of the Soviet Union
and the Socialist Bloc, and after its collapse, they suered several social,
economic, and political problems, yet they successfully integrated into
the European space. Thus, the purpose of our article is to highlight the
main theories and concepts of political integration both theoretically and
practically.
However, let us note that conceptually political theory does not act as a
determinant of political decisions neither at the initial stage of formation
of the main forms of integration nor today. On the other hand, political
theoretical studies, the object of which is to study the evolution of integration,
its components, and algorithms of action, are rather ambiguous.
1. Methods
The methodological basis of this study is the analysis of models of
political integration. At the same time, general theoretical research
methods, primarily synthesis, induction, and deduction, were used to cover
the theoretical problem of the conceptual foundations of integration. As a
result of applying the method of scientic abstraction, it was possible to
move from unrelated judgments (theoretical concepts of integration) to
specic conclusions (to the coverage of the practical implementation of
integration models).
In addition, we used the historical method of research, which traced the
development of the concepts of political integration in Central and Eastern
Europe through the prism of historical changes. Comparativists’ method is
also important for our research, using which modern integration models
are compared. In particular, the work reects the main characteristics of
the globalist, regional, sub-regional approaches. At the same time, using
the systemic and holistic method, we have parsed the interpretation of
modern integration models, highlighting the common features. We also
used special methods of research of the theory of international relations.
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Note that because of the development of integration processes in the
world and the emergence of various integration associations, many theories
and concepts of integration began to be actively developed and implemented.
Both classical theories of international relations (in particular, realism,
federalism, functionalism, etc.) and special concepts of integration (for
example, multilevel governance or the theory of multilevel governance, the
concept of confederation, the theory of global regionalism, etc.) were used
when writing on the problem of integration.
In addition, the study of the European integration process applied a
comprehensive approach, which in turn allows us to understand European
integration as a holistic process with a characteristic internal development,
highlighting the features of its qualitative features.
The theoretical part of our work is formed from the analysis of the works
of the classics of political integration theory. In particular, the work presents
the opinions of Mitrany (1966) and their conclusions about the model of
a exible integration concept. At the same time Haas (1976) through the
prism of neo-functionalism analyzed the development of world integration
processes. Homann (2019) as a proponent of the interstate concept of
political integration, characterized the possibilities of integration processes
in the world.
The author defends the view of self-determination of nations as a
source of dierences between states. Of contemporary works, we should
highlight the work of Bergmann (2018) who analyzed the peculiarities
of the development of European integration through the lens of neo-
functionalism analysis. Bielasiak (2019) analyzed integration challenges
based on the analysis of contemporary transformational changes.
2. Results
Since the early 2000s, integration aspirations around the world have
evolved and changed dynamically. At present, many dierent-level political
blocs have been formed. Most of them have declared their main goal to reach
the integration level of economic cooperation. We are talking primarily
about such associations as the WTO, NEFTA, and the European Union.
At the same time, the problem of integration in the scientic-theoretical
plane is, on the one hand, frequently mentioned in various contexts, and
on the other hand, insuciently investigated (especially given the shifting
nature of the topic before the modern transformational challenges). In
addition, the main ideas embedded in integration processes are often solely
empirical in nature, without proper theoretical comprehension.
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Daria Likarchuk, Neonila Krasnozhon, Oleksandr Kuchyk, Oksana Kundeus y Olha Andrieieva
Theoretical and practical views of political integration in Central and Eastern Europe
3. Peculiarities of the interpretation of the concept of
integration in modern political science
The denition of the concept of integration was proposed and introduced
into scientic circulation by the founder of structural functionalism, T.
Parson. This researcher included two main components in this concept:
internal compatibility of integration elements and maintenance of specic
conditions. In some works, there is an opinion that integration is a complex
process of interaction between states, denoted by two elements: economic
essence and legal form (Bielasiak, 2019). As dened by the Oxford University
Dictionary, integration is the specic act or process of two or more parts
functioning together.
Thus, integration processes organized within an established system led
to an increase in its integrity and organization. At the same time, dierent
parts of integration may receive dierent levels of autonomy. Nelson (2019)
believes that the term “integration” has implications for strengthening the
interconnectedness and orderliness of individual parts of a social system.
At the same time, one of the well-known theorists of the non-functional
approach to integration, E. Haas, dened it as “the process by which political
actors... transfer their trust and political activity to another center whose
institutions have a greater jurisdiction that goes beyond that previously
existing in nation-states” (Haas, 2004: 34).
Other researchers explain the phenomenon of integration purely
through the legal aspect. Thus, the development of integration processes is
viewed through the prism of legal doctrine, which played a prominent role
in assessing the extent of integration in the 1980s.
3.1. Theoretical-conceptual level of understanding political
integration
Currently, there are several approaches to dening the concepts of
integration in the professional literature. A division into globalist, regional,
and subregional approaches is accepted. The rst approach implies gradual
comprehensive integration on both regional and global levels with the
priority right of supranational structures.
In addition, a signicant feature of this approach is the multicultural
nature of society. Regional integration is the main form of integration,
limited by territorial boundaries.
Vivid examples of regional integration processes are Western European
models. They are represented in several concepts. In particular, federalism
(or constitutionalism) is a theoretical approach to comprehending
integration processes, established after World War II. This concept
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CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 72 (2022): 912-926
became one of the basic theories of integration. This theory is based on
the basic principle of federalism, highlighted by C. Wier, according to
which sovereignty is divided between two territorially separated levels
of government (Butorina, 2020). Integration formed according to this
principle requires the formation of two levels of government (federal and
state) - separated but working in a coordinated way.
Another approach is the multifunctional approach. It is based on a
conceptual understanding of the phenomenon of integration. According to
the supporters of this concept, world integration is inevitable, because it is
caused by modern economic modernization.
At the same time, neo-functionalists believe that integration needs
cannot be based solely on economic interests. In their view, the economic
part of integration matters only for the achievement of the higher goal -
political integration. The founder of the direction of neo-functionalism is
E. Haas. He dened this concept as spillover (Haas, 1976). Consequently,
according to it, integration processes should gradually spread from one
sphere to another through the interdependence of dierent processes
within the center.
According to neo-functionalism, the integration of states should start
from the economic sphere, but by developing cooperation in this sphere, its
participants gradually extend it to other spheres. It is a question of social,
cultural, legal, and other areas of human activity. A valuable example of
applying neo-functionalism in practice can be the process of gradual
involvement of the former socialist camp countries into the European
integration center (Haas, 2004).
The point is that rst the European Economic Union (EEC) and the
states of Central and Eastern Europe concluded multilateral agreements
on trade and cooperation and then switched to associate membership. This
resulted in their inclusion in the European Union.
The theory of “exible integration” was developed by both French and
British politicians. It became especially popular after the 1970s when
Britain, Ireland, and Denmark joined the EU. According to the general
concept of “exible integration,” each state has a dierent degree of
integration aspirations. At the same time, the British vision of this concept
is somewhat dierent. J. Major, the British Prime Minister described the
main foundations of the British vision of this concept. Behind him the
main idea is that European integration should expand rather than deepen,
respectively, the European Union should have more exibility (Mitrany,
2006). At the same time, this politician proposed to give EU members the
right to choose and decide in which EU projects they will participate.
The third approach is the interstate concept, which emerged in the
1960s and was the main rival of the functional theory of integration. This
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Daria Likarchuk, Neonila Krasnozhon, Oleksandr Kuchyk, Oksana Kundeus y Olha Andrieieva
Theoretical and practical views of political integration in Central and Eastern Europe
approach is guided by supporters of state-centered views on the processes
of international cooperation. Well-known representatives of this concept
are such scientists as S. Homan, E. Haas, E. Moravchyk. The basis of this
theory is the understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations
as a source of dierences between states.
According to the representatives of this approach, integration is a
pluralistic phenomenon that depends on various factors. S. Homann
concluded that states enter into regional associations primarily through
transformational processes on the world stage (Homann, 2019). A vivid
example of the realization of this concept is the reorientation of the former
socialist states in the late 1980s.
Recently the fourth concept has also become popular. It is a model of
multilevel management. It is actively implemented and developed by such
scientists as C. Blank and L. Haug. According to this concept, there are many
levels of government in the political world, where a special interaction of
political forces takes place.
At the same time, as a result of the development of the EEC and
its transformation in the early 1990s, the EU deepened and expanded
integration. Thus, new integration concepts emerged. Their authors were
mostly socio-political gures and European ocials who reected in them
the new realities of the unication process. Let us recall such modern
theories as the “hardcore” theory of W. Schäuble and C. Clamers, the
“confederation” theory of F. Mitterrand.
W. Schäuble, a German politician, later Minister of Finance, proposed the
“hardcore” theory. Proponents of this concept believe that the development
of the EU should be based on federalism and systemicism (Macrae, 2016).
At the same time, the main core should consist of powerful European states
(in particular, Germany and France). In addition, W. Schäuble suggests
introducing long transition periods for Central and Eastern European
countries wishing to integrate into the EU. Former French President F.
Mitterrand proposed the theory of “confederation”.
It became widespread in the late 1990s. This concept also suggested that
a “solid core” (a group of the most developed countries ready to deepen
integration processes) should be singled out within the European Union).
Many proponents have the concept of confederation as the basis of the
EU’s integration potential. Thus, a large number of publications on the
structure of even the modern EU indicate its federal and confederal roots
(Butorina, 2020). The comparison with confederation can be considered
quite relevant because we are talking about a loose union of states united
by common goals. At the same time, the autonomy of these states is not
questioned, so this arrangement should satisfy all participants of the EU
enlargement.
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Proponents of the confederal model of interstate cooperation
encounter certain problems in their theoretical conclusions. In particular,
a confederation is a temporary formation, which aims to implement a
common goal (usually a military alliance, a trade union, etc.). Modern super-
state formations do not have primary sovereignty; moreover, the purpose
of their creation is not temporary and generally theoretical (Macrae, 2016).
Accordingly, this concept will still require further reection.
3.2. Political Integration of the Baltic and Central European
Countries: Experience for Ukraine
For Ukraine, as an Eastern European democratic state, the most valuable
experience is that of the Baltic states, which are now integrated into the
structures of the European Union and NATO. For example, Latvia, like
Ukraine, was a part of the Soviet Union, and after its collapse, it received a
number of social, economic, and political problems.
We believe that the country’s successful integration has occurred due
to a number of factors, chief among which are the stability factor (political
consolidation), economic cooperation, and military integration. In
particular, the constancy of political relations in the country helped Latvia
gain EU membership.
Ukraine in recent years has also been declaring an unchanged European
vector of development, but in practice, political instability has led to severe
manipulation within the state. Today they are exacerbated by the hybrid war
with the Russian Federation and the temporary loss of control over Crimea
(Mereniuk and Mereniuk, 2019). Under such conditions, it is extremely
dicult to reach a socio-political consensus, although sympathizers of
Ukraine’s European future have signicantly increased because of Russian
aggression.
In Latvia during the 1990s, one can trace a rather active change
of governments, but the main direction of the country’s foreign policy
remained the same. This country is a member of the WTO, as well as
Ukraine. Accession to the WTO demonstrates the globalization of trade and
economic relations and interstate cooperation.
At the same time, Ukraine and Latvia are integrated into the European
Free Trade Association. Although the growth rate of the Ukrainian economy
is slow for objective reasons, it is quite optimistic in a global perspective.
Accordingly, economic cooperation can become an important basis for
strengthening cooperation between Ukraine and the EU.
An important aspect is a military cooperation. Latvia is a member of
NATO. This creates a certain aura of stability and condence not only for
the society and political elite but also for investors and entrepreneurs.
920
Daria Likarchuk, Neonila Krasnozhon, Oleksandr Kuchyk, Oksana Kundeus y Olha Andrieieva
Theoretical and practical views of political integration in Central and Eastern Europe
Belonging to this military-political bloc is an important achievement of
the Baltic country. In Ukraine, discussions about NATO membership have
been going on since the 1990s. Neither government ocials nor North
Atlantic Alliance ocials have long been able to establish specic markers
for further cooperation (Kostiukevych et al., 2020). Only with the outbreak
of military aggression in eastern Ukraine and Crimea did the understanding
of missed opportunities emerge.
However, even today in the Ukrainian society there is a considerable
layer of those who perceive Ukraine’s integration aspirations negatively.
Although the percentage of such citizens is decreasing, it creates
opportunities (along with a direct military threat from Russia) for further
stalling of integration processes.
At the same time, a fairly good example, proving the prospects of the
pro-European vector of the integration process of Ukraine is Poland. Like
Ukraine, Poland is also a post-socialist state, and at the same time, these
two countries had approximately the same starting opportunities at the
beginning of transformational changes. In addition, these states used to
have similar polarized political systems and economic structures.
However, for a long period, they developed in dierent ways. At
present, Poland, back in the late twentieth century. In comparison with
Ukraine, Poland has achieved signicant economic achievements since
the beginning of the twentieth century. It should be noted that from the
period of Poland’s inclusion in the EU, the country’s economic growth has
noticeably accelerated, and the rate of GDP increase was higher than the
average European indicator in some periods (Picek, 2020).
At the same time, Poland’s experience contradicts the claim that
accession to the EU immediately leads to a decrease in trade with Eastern
countries. Since Poland acceded to the EU, exports to the Asian region have
increased signicantly.
Despite this, after Poland acceded to the EU, the problem of
unemployment has not been completely solved. Modern experts attribute
Poland’s high unemployment rate to a false policy of eliminating the coal
and steel industries, which in turn led to heavy engineering (Nelson, 2019).
This happened under the pressure of the EU’s strict ecological foundations,
which began to be practiced after the accession of the republic to the union.
Despite this, Poland’s integration into the EU correlates with signicant
improvements in most indicators of the country’s socio-economic sector.
Such results have been achieved primarily due to the benets oered
by Poland’s membership in the European Union (Picek, 2020). The
opportunities signicant economic benets are the direct subsidies received
by Poland within the framework of two priorities of the European Union.
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It is a policy of equalization and support for agriculture. Apart from
these subsidies, we can consider an increase in specic foreign investments
(and not an increase in the repatriation of capital in Ukraine) as a practical
benet from joining the EU. We should note that 90 % of investments in
Poland come from European and American companies (their joining the
state is caused by the integration of the country into the common economic
space system).
Thus, we believe that the process of Poland’s integration into the EU
was successful as a result of its demonstration of systematic and strong-
willed actions, regardless of who led the country. Despite this, let us note
that the accession to the European integration space became real also
due to a progressive understanding of civil society, a positive attitude to
the integration of trade unions, various non-governmental organizations,
churches (Bielasiak, 2019). In addition, an important factor was the support
of leading European countries, especially Germany and France.
In addition to European integration aspirations, Poland also has
a separate cooperation treaty with the United States. Poland is also a
strategic partner of the United States on the continent - there is not only
cooperation between the states at the level of NATO, but also at the level of
state relations.
The experience of the Czech Republic and Slovakia is a striking example
of political integration. As a result of the collapse of the socialist bloc, the
Euro-Atlantic and European integration of the Czech Republic and Slovakia
are dened as the main priorities of the countries’ national development.
It is worth mentioning that the Czech Republic applied for EU membership
back in 1996 and was ocially admitted to the union in 2004. Since then,
the Czech Republic, as an EU member state, has been persistently involved
in the implementation of leading parts of the EU’s main program, primarily
the Joint Foreign and Security Policy (JFDP) and the Eastern Partnership
program. Within the JFDP, the Czech Republic, together with other EU
member states, participated in international peacekeeping operations, the
formation of European military tactical groups, etc.
We can consider the formation of basic prerequisites for the country’s
economic development to be a notable result of the Czech Republic’s
accession to the EU. One of the important factors in the Czech Republic’s
integration into the EU was its accession to the Schengen area. In 1999 the
Czech Republic became a full member of NATO. At the same time, unlike
the Baltic States, Romania, and Poland the main objective of this accession
was not so much to guarantee the protection from Russia, but primarily
the possibility to implement the potential of the Alliance to optimize the
defense component of the Czech Republic.
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Daria Likarchuk, Neonila Krasnozhon, Oleksandr Kuchyk, Oksana Kundeus y Olha Andrieieva
Theoretical and practical views of political integration in Central and Eastern Europe
Thus, as a result of Czech integration into NATO Czech military
forces were reduced and a signicant number of outdated weapons was
decommissioned. Since 2005 Czech Army fully shifted to the contract
principle. The reduction of the Czech armed forces not only saved a
lot of money but also led to the inclusion of the country into the NATO
Cooperative Security system. Besides, the Czech Republic needs to receive
from NATO new modern weapons and military equipment. We believe
that the Czech accession to the EU and NATO is a consistent and logical
step, which provided the Czech Republic with progress in many spheres,
primarily social, political, economic, and military.
2. Discussion
Modern globalization processes entail a wide interest among political
theorists concerning the fate of future integration processes. We believe
that this is not surprising, because, throughout history, states as separate
political mechanisms have sought allies for the realization of common
interests. In the Middle Ages, countries sought cooperation at the dynastic
level, relying on dynastic marriages (Parshyn, 2018).
In modern times, interstate alliances joined this, the existence of which
was active until the end of World War II. In 1945, the United Nations was
created, and a short time later the formation of the EU began. Attempts to
solve problems, particularly economic ones, jointly led to the emergence
of super-state structures, a new trend in world political science (Sharma,
2021). Accordingly, contemporary scholarly debates continue not around
the question of the necessity/unnecessity of integration, but regarding the
optimal form of its implementation.
We believe that the model of interstate interaction remains quite
promising. In particular, the credo “unity in diversity” is gradually becoming
dened in modern Europe. This motto is perceived by the strongest
players in modern politics - Germany and France. They are followed by
other countries as well. Let us note that the broad interest in the regional
peculiarities of politics and culture contributes to the fact that “lesser”
countries take their rightful place in integration projects. This way is quite
promising in terms of attracting new participants.
Modern political integration processes in Europe are not separated
from the establishment of cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance
(Panova et al., 2021). The Ukrainian experience indicates that in the
current situation in Eastern Europe, political struggle and direct military
aggression can hinder democratic processes and accession to the circle of
other developed democracies. To avoid such challenges, the best option
would be simultaneous integration into NATO structures, i.e., joining the
politico-military alliance.
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The Ukrainian authorities and society were not ready for such steps for
a long time, for this reason, the circumstances are not in favor of the state,
which nds itself in a dicult situation and under conditions of occupation
of part of the territories (Mereniuk and Mereniuk, 2019). This negative
experience should be indicative, important for understanding modern
political processes.
It is dicult to predict the possible disintegration of European structures.
After the UK leaves the EU as a result of Brexit, other countries may follow
suit.
In particular, the Hungarian government’s recent statement hides the
prospect of leaving the single European political body (Macrae, 2016; Kolb et
al., 2021). We believe, however, that these crisis phenomena are temporary,
but a new vector for the active development of integration processes in
Europe will be the Balkan countries, which will already participate in the
unication processes as independent countries.
We believe that serious challenges to the further strengthening of
European integration will be the continuation of hybrid aggression by
the Russian Federation, negative economic phenomena (recession due to
the COVID-19 pandemic, etc.), and social tension (due to the emigration
crisis). At the same time, the elimination of territorial contradictions and
open military conicts between the participants will be positive aspects of
the integration processes. The primacy obtained by diplomatic methods of
interaction is also an important “integration” achievement. Because of this
favorable political atmosphere, integration projects, also including the EU,
will receive a new impetus to further movement.
Conclusions
Contemporary processes of globalization pose questions to political
scientists about the most eective ways of political integration. But it is
not even a question of whether or not associations are necessary at all. Let
us note that as of today there are several concepts of political integration.
Among them, we will distinguish federalist, functional, multilevel
governance model and interstate concept. We consider the latter to be the
most eective because it is focused on the preservation of cultural diversity.
Let us note that the formation of these paradigms took place during the
XIX-XX centuries when the question of the formation of separate political
interstate and supranational associations became acute.
The modern EU is evolving from interstate to a supranational
association. At the same time, the principles of federalism (or the idea of
building a pan-European America) have recently found much less support
924
Daria Likarchuk, Neonila Krasnozhon, Oleksandr Kuchyk, Oksana Kundeus y Olha Andrieieva
Theoretical and practical views of political integration in Central and Eastern Europe
than before. Probably it is about the problems of coexistence of dierent
ethnic groups, which the U.S. authorities have faced to a much lesser
extent - emigrants here settled sporadically (although, for example, within
certain urban neighborhoods), whereas in Europe we are talking about
cooperation between full-edged ethnic groups that have lived on their land
for centuries. Although there were precedents of disintegration as early as
the 1990s (the breakup of Czechoslovakia), in the future the countries were
united within the EU based on equal rights of nations. We believe that the
next enlargement of the EU will take place at the expense of the Balkan
countries, which will also become part of it as separate nations.
At the same time, even at the current stage of integration processes,
some countries also return to individual interstate agreements. For
example, Poland has concluded cooperation agreements with the United
States, which creates an original center of inuence in Europe. Similarly, all
European countries are members of NATO. For Ukraine and its integration
aspirations, these ties must be taken into account.
Destabilizing activities of the Russian Federation threaten Eastern
Europe, but the countries’ NATO membership blocks all Kremlin attempts
to sow discord so far. At the same time, the comparison of Ukraine and Latvia
demonstrated the importance of being part of the North Atlantic Alliance
for security guarantees and the importance of political consolidation within
the country. Now it is dicult for Ukraine to resist aggression because the
long period of political uncertainty has not resulted in necessary and timely
reforms.
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Esta revista fue editada en formato digital y publicada
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Vol.40 Nº 72