Instituto de Estudios Políticos y Derecho Público "Dr. Humberto J. La Roche"
de la Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas de la Universidad del Zulia
Maracaibo, Venezuela
Esta publicación cientíca en formato digital es continuidad de la revista impresa
ISSN-Versión Impresa 0798-1406 / ISSN-Versión on line 2542-3185Depósito legal pp
197402ZU34
ppi 201502ZU4645
Vol.40 N° 73
Julio
Diciembre
2022
Recibido el 03/04/2022 Aceptado el 15/05/2022
ISSN 0798- 1406 ~ De pó si to le gal pp 198502ZU132
Cues tio nes Po lí ti cas
La re vis ta Cues tio nes Po lí ti cas, es una pu bli ca ción aus pi cia da por el Ins ti tu to
de Es tu dios Po lí ti cos y De re cho Pú bli co “Dr. Hum ber to J. La Ro che” (IEPDP) de la Fa-
cul tad de Cien cias Ju rí di cas y Po lí ti cas de la Uni ver si dad del Zu lia.
En tre sus ob je ti vos fi gu ran: con tri buir con el pro gre so cien tí fi co de las Cien cias
Hu ma nas y So cia les, a tra vés de la di vul ga ción de los re sul ta dos lo gra dos por sus in ves-
ti ga do res; es ti mu lar la in ves ti ga ción en es tas áreas del sa ber; y pro pi ciar la pre sen ta-
ción, dis cu sión y con fron ta ción de las ideas y avan ces cien tí fi cos con com pro mi so so cial.
Cues tio nes Po lí ti cas apa re ce dos ve ces al año y pu bli ca tra ba jos ori gi na les con
avan ces o re sul ta dos de in ves ti ga ción en las áreas de Cien cia Po lí ti ca y De re cho Pú bli-
co, los cua les son so me ti dos a la con si de ra ción de ár bi tros ca li fi ca dos.
ESTA PU BLI CA CIÓN APA RE CE RE SE ÑA DA, EN TRE OTROS ÍN DI CES, EN
:
Re vicyhLUZ, In ter na tio nal Po li ti cal Scien ce Abs tracts, Re vis ta In ter ame ri ca na de
Bi blio gra fía, en el Cen tro La ti no ame ri ca no para el De sa rrol lo (CLAD), en Bi blio-
gra fía So cio Eco nó mi ca de Ve ne zue la de RE DIN SE, In ter na tio nal Bi blio graphy of
Po li ti cal Scien ce, Re vencyt, His pa nic Ame ri can Pe rio di cals In dex/HAPI), Ul ri ch’s
Pe rio di cals Di rec tory, EBS CO. Se en cuen tra acre di ta da al Re gis tro de Pu bli ca cio-
nes Cien tí fi cas y Tec no ló gi cas Ve ne zo la nas del FO NA CIT, La tin dex.
Di rec to ra
L
OIRALITH
M. C
HIRINOS
P
ORTILLO
Co mi té Edi tor
Eduviges Morales Villalobos
Fabiola Tavares Duarte
Ma ría Eu ge nia Soto Hernández
Nila Leal González
Carmen Pérez Baralt
Co mi té Ase sor
Pedro Bracho Grand
J. M. Del ga do Ocan do
José Ce rra da
Ri car do Com bel las
An gel Lom bar di
Die ter Nohlen
Al fre do Ra mos Ji mé nez
Go ran Ther born
Frie drich Welsch
Asis ten tes Ad mi nis tra ti vos
Joan López Urdaneta y Nil da Ma rín
Re vis ta Cues tio nes Po lí ti cas. Av. Gua ji ra. Uni ver si dad del Zu lia. Nú cleo Hu ma nís ti co. Fa-
cul tad de Cien cias Ju rí di cas y Po lí ti cas. Ins ti tu to de Es tu dios Po lí ti cos y De re cho Pú bli co
“Dr. Hum ber to J. La Ro che”. Ma ra cai bo, Ve ne zue la. E- mail: cues tio nes po li ti cas@gmail.
com ~ loi chi ri nos por til lo@gmail.com. Te le fax: 58- 0261- 4127018.
Vol. 40, Nº 73 (2022), 671-692
IEPDP-Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas - LUZ
Civil Society Transformation
in the Context of Political Radicalism
in Eastern Europe
DOI: https://doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.38
Olga Babkina *
Novakova Olena **
Liudmyla Pavlova ***
Olena Karchevska ****
Olena Balatska *****
Abstract
The article studies the current changes taking place in the civil
society sector of Eastern European countries under the impact of
intensifying radical action on the political environment. One of the
key areas of progress of modern states is a further development
of democratic values, which depends largely on the activity of the
civil society sector. In this regard, the aim of the study was to examine the
main problems and areas of change in the development of the civil society
sector during the period of intensication of political radicalism in some
Eastern European democracies. Methodologically, they used the empirical
results of a survey of citizens of Eastern European countries to determine
areas of development and key issues of civil society. In conclusion, a
comparative analysis of the level of development of the civil sector and
the degree of radicalization in Eastern European countries revealed the
correlation between the development of civil society and radical policy
frameworks.
Keywords: civil society; political activity; democracy; political radicalism;
extremism in Eastern Europe.
* Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor, Head of the Department of Political Sciences, Department of
Political Science, Faculty of Sociology and Law, National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. ORCID
ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3594-3298
** Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Law,
National Pedagogical Dragomanov University. ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0402-1904
*** Candidate of Political Sciences, Associate Professor of Department of Political Science and International
Relations, Faculty of International Relations, Volodymyr Dahl East Ukrainian National University.
ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2318-2639
**** Candidate of Political Sciences, Associate Professor of Department of Political Science and International
Relations, Faculty of International Relations, Volodymyr Dahl East Ukrainian National University.
ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8046-5208
***** Doctor of Political Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of World History and International
Relations, Institute of History, International Relations and Socio-Political Sciences, SI “Luhansk
Taras Shevchenko National University” (Poltava, Ukraine). ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-
3596-3467
672
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
Transformación de la sociedad civil en el contexto del
radicalismo político en Europa del Este
Resumen
El artículo estudia los cambios actuales que se están produciendo en el
sector de la sociedad civil de los países de Europa del Este bajo el impacto de
la intensicación de la acción radical en el entorno político. Una de las áreas
clave del progreso de los estados modernos es un mayor desarrollo de los
valores democráticos, que depende en gran medida de la actividad del sector
de la sociedad civil. En este sentido, el objetivo del estudio fue examinar
los principales problemas y áreas de cambios en el desarrollo del sector
de la sociedad civil durante el período de intensicación del radicalismo
político en algunas democracias de Europa del Este. Metodológicamente se
utilizaron los resultados empíricos de una encuesta a ciudadanos de países
de Europa del Este para determinar las áreas de desarrollo y los temas
clave de la sociedad civil. En conclusión, un análisis comparativo del nivel
de desarrollo del sector civil y el grado de radicalización en los países de
Europa del Este reveló la correlación entre el desarrollo de la sociedad civil
y los marcos políticos radicales.
Palabras clave: sociedad civil; actividad política; democracia;
radicalismo político; extremismo en Europa del este.
Introduction
The countries of Eastern Europe, which have been moving towards
democratic values for several decades, are characterized by a noticeable
expansion of the radical political environment. The impact of political
centrism is weakening, with extremist rhetoric spreading in both right-
wing and left-wing ideological lines, thus giving rise to authoritarian and
populist approaches to achieving their own goals. There is no doubt that the
latter is a matter of concern, as migration-, security- and terrorism-related
issues are acute for the European Community.
The role of radicals in public preferences was intensied by broad
participation of radical parties, their electoral support, as well as inuence
on government institutions. Besides, some political frustration with
“classical” policy aggravates the need for radical action by dierent political
parties. This is the reason for calls for anti-globalization, dissatisfaction with
existing elites, opposition to EU immigration policy. Radicalism is inated
by socio-economic crises, a sharp decline in living standards, totalitarian
political regimes, and a ban on pluralism.
673
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
Radicalism manifests itself as an extremist and uncompromising
propaganda of one’s own beliefs, preferences, views, concepts intended
for decisive radical changes of existing public institutions. Political radical
actions are manifested through the provocation of riots, terrorist acts and
other violent actions. Radical representatives of political movements are
incited to reject any compromises, negotiations, agreements. The main
reason for right-wing radicalism is thrive to completely change the existing
system in order to restore the traditional regime. Left-wing radicals support
changes and further establishing a fundamentally new order.
In such a situation, civil society, which is actively involved in addressing
global, regional and national issues, cannot stay aside. Civil society is
required to make appropriate internal and external changes because of the
use of authoritarian, xenophobic and other negative sentiments by radical
parties with the purpose of enhancing representation in government. These
transformations are aimed at protecting basic democratic values, including
human rights and freedoms, gender equality, protection of vulnerable
groups, and so on based on interaction with local communities and the
electorate through collective action.
Radical left-wing parties aggravate the contradictions between the
market peculiarities of economic development and public administration,
supporting the expansion of social security and advocating for the rights of
employed citizens (Kutiyski et al., 2021). Political radicalism relies on a low
level of condence and a negative attitude towards national and European
policies. The intensied Euroscepticism is also the result of radical parties’
preferences.
Radical political models are signicantly dierent from existing
fundamental norms and values that exist in the political, legal and social
systems. Determining the values and goals of ideology, which involves
violent actions to achieve them in radical cases, remains the key issue. Anti-
democracy, authoritarianism and nationalism can be dened the properties
of radicalism, while xenophobia, populism and racism are peculiar for the
manifestations of the concept (Carter, 2018). There is an opinion that the
extremist parties set the agenda, while the centrist parties accept the most
important issues on this basis. This role of radical ideology is even stronger
in Eastern Europe, because socio-cultural problems are more pressing in
post-communist societies (Heinisch et al., 2021).
In essence, civil society is disposed to support democratic values,
understanding the importance of social reconciliation, establishing security
in society, a tolerant attitude to dierent cultures, religions and nationalities.
The participation of civil society organizations in the political and social
spheres is becoming paramount against the background of radical ideology
in the Eastern European countries, which have a totalitarian history.
674
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
In view of the urgency of the selected subject matter, the aim of this study
is to analyse the existing needs and ways of transforming civil society in
the context of political radicalism as a phenomenon in modern democratic
Eastern European countries. The aim involved the following objectives:
• Study the current problems of civil society in the context of a
European democracy.
• Identify key needs for civil society development.
• Analyse the state of activity and the level of development of the civil
sector.
• Study the degree of radicalization in the selected countries and the
danger it poses to society
• Suggest ways for developing civil society towards deterring
radicalization in Eastern European countries.
1. Literature review
The Covid-19 pandemic has aggravated threats to society related to
compliance with the foundations of liberalism and liberal democracy.
The crisis reveals the fragility of national constitutions, a contradictory
understanding of the rule of law and democracy, thus foregrounding the
crucial role of civil society. The public sector must evaluate the actions of
the elite, directing social discontent into the public sphere and requiring
civic participation.
The illiberal policies of governments in the last decade call these
regulatory conceptions of directed development into question. Some active
political actors in EU Member States such as Bulgaria, Hungary and Poland
are inclined to consider that the civil society participation and oversight
of democratic transformation are not necessary. Illiberal ideas (isolationist
restrictions, the dominance of individual nations and the alienation of
minorities) emerge in contrast to liberal-democratic values (respect for civil
society, tolerance). Various legal measures, targeted controls, and indirect
transfers of public funding seriously undermine the existence of civil society
organizations (CSOs) in Eastern European countries (Wessenauer and
Hunyadi, 2016; Human Rights First, 2017). The rejection of civil society is
not, however, new in European history.
The concept of civil society has travelled a long and dicult path along
with various crises of the liberal narrative. Governments of both the Western
and the Eastern countries have tried to ignore the demands of transparency
and civil rights, either to strengthen oligarchy without hindrance or to
ght terrorism eectively. Civil society research requires more systemic,
675
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
cross-sectoral, comparative and transnational views with regard to new
challenges caused by illiberal pressures. On the example of the countries of
Eastern Europe, this question shows how integrated approaches contribute
to the development of modern civil society practices under the inuence of
both the state and radical politics (Marzec and Neubacher, 2020).
Radicalization that leads to violence can take dierent forms depending
on the context and time period, and can be based on dierent ideologies.
Right-wing extremism is a form of radicalization associated with fascism,
racism and ultranationalism. This form of radicalization is characterized
by the violent protection of racial, ethnic or pseudo-national identity, and
is associated with radical hostility to government, minorities, immigrants
and / or left-wing political groups. Left-wing extremism is a form of
radicalization that focuses primarily on anti-capitalist demands and calls
for the transformation of political systems, that are considered responsible
for creating social inequality. This policy may ultimately use violence to
meet its own needs (CPRMV, 2022).
In a liberal-democratic regime, radical positions on both sides of the
political spectrum combine ideological radicalism with a discourse that
contrasts certain social strata against a wide range of political elites (Adams
et al., 2006). But ideological views that were once considered marginal or
extreme are becoming more widespread, as former marginalized parties
may become parliamentary (Polyakova and Shekhovtsov, 2016).
Minkenberg (2015) maintains that traditional and new splits do not
structure party competition in a stable way, except for ethnic split. The role
of collective identities has been central to understanding party competition
in Eastern European countries, and has been the subject of research that
analysed transitional events in post-communist countries (Gyárfášová
and Mesežnikov, 2015). Sociocultural sources of political controversy still
include historical insults and national traumas (Minkenberg, 2015). The
delayed European integration has also promoted the emergence of right-
wing radical parties, as the major political parties had to protect strict
membership conditions imposed on countries joining the Community
(Harmsen, 2010). The newly established, mostly right-wing radical parties,
began to bridge a Eurosceptic anti-reformist gap.
The diversity of Eastern European countries in terms of ethnic
heterogeneity, economic activity and cultural heritage is reected in
Eastern European radical parties. Ethnicity and language strengthen
radical policies in some countries (Bulgaria, Estonia, Slovakia, Romania,
Latvia). More ethnically homogeneous countries (Poland, Czech Republic)
have radical politics focused on anti-Roma rhetoric, as well as on social and
religious issues. Despite new forms of radicalism in Eastern Europe, liberal
democracy is incompatible with the concept of societies where the titular
majority play the only role.
676
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
Democracy empowered minorities and politicized the protection of
minority rights. In some cases, there was an immediate negative response
to diversity and inclusiveness, reecting the emergence and growth of post-
authoritarian policies. After the problems with the establishment of major
electoral institutions passed, dissatisfaction with the opportunities oered
to minorities with the new liberal-democratic order led to the counter-
mobilization of radicals (Buštíková, 2018).
Radical parties in Eastern European countries have unique features that
distinguish them from Western European partners (Ronald and Norris,
2016; Mudde, 2016): left-wing positions in the economy, the relationship
between identity and political reforms, which leads to the association of
minority politics with democratization, the coexistence of radical parties
with radicalized major parties.
As opposed to other parties in some political systems, Eastern European
radical right-wing parties tend to have left-wing rhetoric about economic
policy (Allen, 2017). Their political platforms are protection against market
instability, increasing social spending and intensied government control in
the economic sphere, which excludes foreign participation in free markets
and property ownership. Economic and other socio-demographic features
are not reected on the parties’ economic policy platforms.
The reason is the nature of economic risk, which involves a relationship
between voting, income levels and occupations; identity-related economic
problems (loss of national identity, perceived injustice of the economic
system). Changes in the hierarchy of ethnic groups through democratic
processes also weaken economic considerations based on ethnic peculiarities
of economic issues (Siroky and Cue, 2015).
Political radicalism is a set of diverse phenomena that have a common
protest and a radical demand for profound changes in society. These are the
condemnation of the established social order and the economic, cultural and
political elites that support it, the rejection of the institutions underlying
the current political system, the belief that social and political structures
must be radically transformed (Muxel, 2020).
The culture of political protest has become more generalized, legitimized
and more demanding. In this context, the potential for radicalism or
greater familiarity with its range of views and actions, especially among the
younger generations, has expanded signicantly (Muxel, 2019). Signicant
changes in citizens’ political practices are becoming increasingly apparent
— from protests in polling stations to radicalism in the streets. Collective
forms of mobilization are becoming diverse (ash mobs, online gatherings,
boycotts) (Isin and Nielsen, 2008), and are creating a civic vision that
includes a radical dimension of what political activity means. In this complex
environment, civil society must form a vision for the further development
677
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
of the European Union and other political institutions that will promote
gradual deradicalization of political and social activities.
2. Methods
1. The research procedure provided several stages. The rst stage
involved an analysis of the needs and directions of civil sector development
in some Eastern European countries in order to identify key trends and
issues of civil society. The second stage provided for identication of the
main indicators that describe the activity of civil society and the degree
of radicalization of society. The nal stage involved data processing and
drawing the main conclusions. The methods of graphical analysis, scatter
plots, comparative analysis and evaluation were used.
The following Eastern European countries were proposed to be used as
a sample: Poland (Pl), Czech Republic (CZ), Bulgaria (BG), Slovakia (SK),
Croatia (HR), Slovenia (SK), Romania (RO), Lithuania (LT), Latvia (LV),
Estonia (EE), which can suciently reect the main problems and trends in
compliance with the aim, based on the existing available data.
Empirical materials of the 2019 European Union survey from which data
for the selected countries were singled out were used as empirical tools. A
graphical analysis of the obtained data was conducted based on the survey
results (directions of EU development, importance of the electorate’s votes,
importance of development of political spheres, areas of activity of civil
society organizations). The relationship between the importance of the vote
in the EU and the degree of favour to the EU allowed grouping the selected
countries according to national trends.
The study of civil society development indicators in the context of radical
political inuences in Eastern European countries in 2020 involved several
indicators. The number of civil society organizations, the Democracy Index
and the CSOSI (Civil Society Organization Sustainability Index) were taken
as the basis of civil society development indicators. The number of radical
parties in the country and the Terrorism Index were used as indicators of
radicalization in Eastern Europe. The use of the Global Terrorism Index
(GTI) allowed to identify the level of terrorist threat in Eastern Europe,
which may indicate the degree of radicalization of the country. A comparison
of the selected countries was made based on the data obtained, and the
key directions of changes in the civil society sector under the inuence
of the radicalization of the political environment in Eastern Europe were
identied.
678
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
3. Results
More than a decade after the economic and nancial crisis of 2008,
the European Union has started to move in a positive direction from an
economic point of view. Since the 2019 European elections, the positive
attitude and support of the EU citizens has remained strong. The level of
optimism about the future of the European Union is improving, as is the
general sense of satisfaction with democratic changes in Europe. At the
same time, most Europeans are also rmly convinced that human rights,
freedom of speech and gender equality shall be further maintained. Fewer
respondents express the opinion that the EU is on the right track in relation
to the proportion of people who believe that things in the EU are going
wrong during 2011-2019 (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Respondents’ perception of the appropriateness of EU
development directions, %.
At the same time, the 2019 European elections and the active
participation of citizens in the latter had a positive impact on the increased
satisfaction with democratic development in the European Union.
Respondents rated free and fair elections (75%), freedom of speech (74%),
and respect for fundamental rights (73%), with clear improvements in the
ght against disinformation in the media (48%) and anti-corruption (43%).
There were 52% of Europeans who approved democratic changes in the
European Union, and 56% share this view regarding their own country.
Poland shows the highest level of satisfaction (73%), Romania — 34%,
Croatia — 33%. It is also worth noting that in some countries, the overall
degree of satisfaction with European democracy is higher than satisfaction
with national democracy. These dierences are particularly noticeable
679
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
in Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Bulgaria, Poland and Romania. As regards
national changes, Poland and the Czech Republic have shown the highest
increase in support for EU democracy since spring 2019 (+13 pp, +11 pp,
respectively) (Schulmeister et al., 2019).
A scatter plot (Figure 2) provides some national examples of public
opinion trends. For example, the general feeling that the vote is important
in the EU is quite strong in Croatia and Slovakia (upper left quadrant),
while the level of support to EU membership in the same countries remains
relatively low. For comparison, the lower right quadrant includes those
countries where overall positive views of the EU are not reected in the
same positive perceptions of citizens that their voice matters in Europe.
Figure 2. Correlation between the importance of the vote in the
EU and the level of support to the EU.
The perception of the importance of the vote is inuenced by additional
factors, which are formed by national socio-political contexts. There is a
vision of the importance of the vote in one’s own country rather than in
the EU. The only exception is Romania, where 47% of respondents believe
that their vote counts in the EU, and 44% share this view with regard to
their country. Respondents in Estonia (22%) are the least likely to agree
that their vote counts in the EU (Figure 3).
680
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
Figure 3. Perception of the importance of the electorate’s vote
in their own country and in the EU, %.
The ranking of priority issues for European citizens over the last year
shows an increased relevance of the ght against climate change compared
to the decreased importance of the migration problem (Figure 4).
Figure 4. The importance of developing certain policy areas
In 2019, the issue of environmental protection is a predominant
political priority for the future activities of the European Parliament. The
ght against social exclusion and poverty ranks second (31%), the ght
681
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
against terrorism and organized crime (24%), as well as the ght against
youth unemployment and the pursuit of full employment across the EU
(24%). Romania (17%), Latvia (15%) and Bulgaria (14%) are the countries
with the lowest level of interest in environmental protection (Schulmeister
et al., 2019). According to the selected Eastern European countries, the
protection of human rights worldwide is the most important issue in most
countries (Figure 5). Blue colour in Figure 5 shows protection of human
rights around the world, green — freedom of speech, purple — solidarity
between the EU and the poor countries.
Figure 5. Determining the values to be primarily protected by
the European Parliament, %.
Civil society surveys (EU, 2020) show that less than half of the
population actively interacts with civil society organizations (CSOs), but
CSO communication activities have a wider impact. Nearly eight out of
ten talks about activities they have seen over the past two years that have
inuenced their behaviour. Referring to public dialogue, almost half say
that there have been public communications in their eld in the last 12
months, although in fact less than one in ve has been involved.
Less than a quarter said they participated in public communications last
year. Nearly three-quarters of those who know about public consultations
in their area say it has been helpful. The main reasons are that public
communications are a way to give citizens information about local politics,
inform about various problems, get the results of measures taken by local
authorities.
Country-specic information was obtained when asked about the degree
of awareness of public organizations on issues important to them. The
682
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
highest percentage was found in Poland, the lowest — in Romania (Figure
6).
Figure 6. Awareness of public organizations about important
issues for citizens, %
The range of issues of CSO activity in the selected countries formed the
following priorities (Figure 7).
Figure 7. Priority areas of activity of civil society organizations
in the EU, %.
683
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
The distribution of key CSO topics is presented in Table 1. As for other
important areas, sustainable development and humanitarian aid are least
frequently mentioned in Lithuania and Estonia (11%). There are countries
where at least three out of ten respondents say that fundamental and civil
rights should be a priority for CSOs in their country: the Czech Republic
(31%) and Poland (30%). This is the opinion of 13% in Estonia and 14%
in Lithuania. The share of respondents who believe that social protection
should be a priority for their country’s CSOs ranges from 40% in Slovenia,
36% in Latvia and 30% in Estonia to 9% in Romania (EU, 2020).
If we compare the priorities of respondents who are already involved with
CSOs with those who do not cooperate with CSOs, they see the environment
(59% vs. 48%), sustainable development and humanitarian aid (38% vs.
24%), or fundamental rights of citizens (27% vs. 21%) as priority areas.
There were 47% of respondents who said that they cooperate with public
sector organizations in their country. Donation is one the most common
ways (27%). CSO donations are mentioned by 4% of respondents in Romania
and 8% in Bulgaria. There were 16% of respondents who encouraged other
people to cooperate with CSOs; 15% took part in demonstrations or similar
events organized by CSOs; there were 15% of volunteers who regularly
participated in various events of CSOs; while 14% interacted with CSOs
online or on social networks; 51% said they did not cooperate with CSOs
(EU, 2020).
Table 1. Priority areas for civil society organizations in their
own country
Public health and
safe food, %
Environment, % Education and
science, %
Poland (PL) 59 49 25
Czech Republic (CZ) 51 53 34
Slovakia (SK) 57 58 25
EU 57 53 33
Slovenia (SI) 71 57 18
Croatia (HR) 59 44 29
Lithuania (LT) 52 48 37
Estonia (EE) 54 52 38
Bulgaria (BG) 69 48 40
Latvia (LV) 65 42 34
Romania (RO) 69 33 41
Source: EU, 2020.
684
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
There were 5% of respondents in Estonia who said they actively
encourage others to participate in CSOs. The share of respondents who took
part in demonstrations or similar events organized by CSOs ranges from
20% in the Czech Republic and 18% in Poland to 4% in Hungary and 5%
in Romania and Estonia. Respondents in Slovenia (19%) say they regularly
volunteer for CSOs, while this gure is only 3% in Romania. There were 5%
of respondents in Romania and Hungary who said that they cooperate with
CSOs mainly online or on social media (EU, 2020).
A comprehensive study of the state of civil society organizations in
Eastern European countries, it will be appropriate to determine the
number of NGOs, their opportunities for existence and development, the
general state of the environment conducive to democratic values, and
radical environment, provided the following results (Table 2). Considering
the data in Table 2, it can be noted that the largest number of civil society
organizations in relation to the population of the country is established
in Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia and Slovenia. This indicates a certain civic
activity. Bulgaria, Poland and Romania showed the lowest results.
Table 2. Indicators of civil society development in the context of
radical political inuences in Eastern Europe, 2020.
Number
of CSOs
Population
(million
people)
CSO Sus-
tainability
Index
Democracy
Index Freedom
House/The
Economist In-
telligence Unit
Number
of radical
parties
Terror-
ism Index
Poland 143,000 38.19 2.9 4.93/6.85 5 0.239
Czech
Republic
135,465 10.7 2.6 5.64/7.67 6 0.315
Bulgaria 20,000 6.91 3.5 4.54/6.71 2 0.172
Slovakia 59,844 5.44 3.0 5.29/6.97 3 0.029
Croatia 38,980 4.21 3.4 4.25/6.50 2 0
Slovenia 27,986 2.1 3.0 5.93/7.54 1 0
Romania 117,510 21.23 3.7 4.43/6.40 3 0
Lithua-
nia
40,500 2.71 2.5 5.64/7.13 4 0.229
Latvia 24,849 1.86 2.6 5.79/7.24 2 0.115
Estonia 22,574 1.22 2.1 6.07/7.84 1 0.057
Source: Composed on the basis of (USAID, 2021; Freedom House, 2020; EI, 2021;
Bustikova, 2019; Nordsieck, 2020; Parties and Elections in Europe, 2021; Institute for
Economics & Peace, 2021).
685
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
The CSOSI reports on the state of civil society sectors. It addresses:
legal environment, organizational capacity, nancial viability, advocacy,
service delivery, infrastructure and public image. Estimates for each area
range from 1 (highest level of sustainability) to 7 (highest barriers) (USAID,
2021). According to this assessment, Estonia (2.1), Lithuania, Latvia and
the Czech Republic had the highest rates among the selected countries,
while Romania (3.7), Bulgaria and Croatia had the lowest rates.
For greater objectivity, the Democracy Index was further determined
by data provided by international institutions (Freedom House and
The Economist Intelligence Unit). Accordingly, the development of a
democratic environment is observed in Estonia (6.07 / 7.84), Slovenia, the
Czech Republic. The group of countries with the lowest indicators of the
Democracy Index included Croatia (4.25/6.5), Romania, Bulgaria.
The largest number of radical parties is registered in the Czech Republic
(6), Poland and Lithuania, while Slovenia and Estonia have the lowest
results (1 each). According to the Terrorism Index, the highest risks are
identied in the Czech Republic (0.315), Poland and Lithuania. The rate
of terrorist threat in Croatia, Slovenia and Romania is 0 according to own
methodology.
4. Discussion
The study expands the analysis of the changes that have taken place in the
civil society system, given the signicant inuence of the ideology of political
programmes of radical major parties in Eastern European countries. The
question arises: is the impact of the development of democratic institutions
on the agenda of radical parties noticeable.
Unfortunately, the study did not include all Eastern European countries,
given the full set of data, but the available range of countries showed
dierent levels of civil society development and features of a radical political
environment. This allowed to obtain representative results. Regarding the
general methodological approach, the number of indicators describing the
level of development of the civil sector and political radicalization should
be expanded.
Theories that describe democracy emphasize the importance of an
active civil society and citizen participation in order for democratic norms
to work. But the emergence of radical parties proves that a weak civil
society reinforces anti-democratic extremism and leads to the success of
undemocratic forces (Buzogány, 2021). The study conrms the ndings
(Berning and Ziller, 2017), which show that high-level social trust reduces
the benets of radical parties in the Netherlands. At the same time,
686
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
comparative studies of voting in Western Europe have found no clear
evidence that participation in NGOs will reduce the share of votes of radical
political parties (Rydgren, 2009).
In case of change of the liberal-democratic government in Eastern
Europe, a large radicalized main party that could make a dierence in the
country’s political space could be a probable initiator. The question is the role
of the right-wing radical party in these changes based on the development of
topical issues and ideas or, conversely, blocking the democratic departure,
based on an alternative channel for protest. Most studies in Eastern Europe
considered right-wing parties as the Western equivalent of the radical
movement. But such an approach is considered insuciently justied, if
right-wing radical parties contribute to the dismantling of democratic rule
by undermining constitutional systems of checks and balances (Buštíková,
2018).
Therefore, the analysis of surveys of citizens on problematic issues
in Eastern European countries revealed some pessimism about the
appropriateness of the EU policies. At the same time, there is a signicant
commitment to freedom of speech, guarantee of fundamental human
rights, and others. Satisfaction with European democracy is higher than
satisfaction with national democracies. The impact of the votes in the
European and national political system remains important.
Preservation of the environment is a key political priority (32%).
Counter-terrorism (24%), immigration policy (17%) and the preservation of
diverse cultural heritage (7%) are of much less concern. The main problem
for the selected countries is the protection of human rights worldwide
(except Bulgaria and Estonia). Voters are concerned about the implications
of European legislation for their own country and the EU’s activities at
regional and local level.
Awareness of CSOs about important issues exceeds 50% in only three
countries (Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland). Health and food safety
(57%), environment (53%) and education, skills and training are the
main directions of CSOs. Cooperation with CSOs is realized at the level of
participation in events, volunteering and donations. Cooperation also takes
place online or on social networks.
A comparison of data on Eastern European countries shows some
dependencies. Increased CSOSIs demonstrate that reducing barriers to the
development of the civil society sector increases society’s activity and allows
establishing more civil society organizations and involving more people in
civic activities. The indicator of the development of democratic principles
in the country — the Democracy Index determined through dierent
methodological approaches correlates with this thesis. The higher value of
the index conrms the increased opportunities for the development of civil
society organizations (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, the Czech Republic).
687
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
The degree of political radicalization in Eastern European countries is as
follows. First, the countries with the largest number of radical parties (6 to
4) are identied as problematic in terms of terrorist threat (although these
indices (0.315 to 0.229) are relatively low for Europe). Second, there are a
small number of radical parties in those countries that have high activity
of civil society organizations and high values of the Democracy Index. The
exception is Lithuania, where 4 radical parties are registered.
It can be noted that despite the growing trend of radicalization in
politics, voters and the civil society sector do not consider issues related
to the impact of radicalism on society as one of the key issues. This follows
both from the analysis of socio-political needs and from the current
development of democracy in Eastern Europe. The same can be stated
about the political environment, where the main problems of society are
foregrounded by classical parties. An analysis of the study (Heinisch et
al., 2021) revealed that right-wing radical parties did not really aect the
relevance of problems among major political parties, as there was no link
between their policy agendas.
Studies of party behaviour in Eastern Europe revealed dierent reactions
from major parties to their radical rivals: adaptation, partial cooperation
with isolation, and a lack of noticeable response (Heinisch et al., 2021).
This may indicate some gaps that can be lled by civil society organizations
that promote democratic values and shape social demands for further
socio-economic development.
The complex relationship between the growing number of radical
parties in Eastern Europe and the impact of the recent economic crisis
in Europe and the change in labour relations in the region was claried.
Other studies suggest that support for radical parties is inated by overt
or covert xenophobia, low levels of trust in the national political elite, and
dissatisfaction with the complexity of democratic processes (Minkenberg,
2019; Mudde, 2017).
Unfortunately, radicalization sometimes converts into terrorist acts,
which is an unacceptable approach to a well-established understanding
of political, legal and social activities. But judgments about radicalization
can be based on processes that arise as a result of social conicts and are
marked by intergroup activities. This includes the search for identity,
prejudice, ideology, antisocial attitudes and behaviour (Beelmann, 2020;
Timbro authoritarian populism index, 2021).
In this case, we see that the gradual overcoming of the post-communist
past, the active development of democratic values and the transformations
taking place in the civil society sector allow making statements about
shifting emphasis. The issues of environmental protection, public health
and the economy are becoming important for the societies of Eastern
688
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
Europe. In this context, the opportunities of civil society organizations
should ensure the socialization of certain segments of the population
through educational programmes, grants, cultural exchanges, which will
reduce immigration issues, expand the penetration of democratic values,
strengthen Europeanization.
Conclusion
An important objective of civil society is to control the positions of radical
forces, because their impact on the electorate, as well as their potential and
real power can directly or indirectly shape modern politics. This sets out
key challenges for key political players and political institutions at both
national and EU level. As radical parties that have the support of a certain
part of society direct their actions to certain reforms in their own country,
it is important for civil society to support the pro-European position.
Despite the intensied rhetoric of the right-wing parties of the European
Parliament in 2019, radical political forces have their own support. Political
players who implement illiberal methods weaken the democratic values of
the socio-political systems of both their own country and the EU.
Political decisions that strengthen democratic achievements become the
main approach to the partial deradicalization of society. Civil society is one
of the elements in this model, which must communicate with voters, while
solving problems caused by radical right-wing parties. The development
of civic initiatives largely determines overcoming the contradictions
associated with radical approaches in politics, which are the consequences
of both the subjective nature of the political environment and the existing
problems in the economy, culture, social protection. The study proves
the correlation between the development of civil society and democratic
institutions to reduce radicalism in the political environment in Eastern
European countries.
This is in line with the concept of broader voter information on the
EU’s agenda, country’s security, domestic policy, immigration, economic
development and minimizing radical policies. Based on the introduction
of democratic values and principles, human rights through the active
functioning and state support of civil society, this approach will reformat
the key issues in Eastern European countries that contribute to the spread
of political radicalism. The obtained results can be used in shaping the
policy of further development of civil society in countries facing radical
political manifestations. Further research may provide for the search for
the main factors that intensify the activity of civil society, as well as the
analysis of those factors.
689
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
Bibliographic References
ADAMS, James; CLARK, Michael; EZROW, Lawrence; GLASGOW, Garrett.
2006. “Are niche parties fundamentally dierent from mainstream
parties? The causes and the electoral consequences of Western European
parties’ policy shifts, 1976-1998” In: American Journal of Political
Science. Vol. 50, No. 3, pp. 513-529.
ALLEN, Trevor. 2017. “All in the party family? Comparing far right voters in
Western and Post-Communist Europe” In: Party Politics. Vol. 23, No 3,
pp. 274-285.
BEELMANN, Andreas. 2020. “A social-developmental model of radicalization:
A systematic integration of existing theories and empirical research” In:
International Journal of Conict and Violence. Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 1-14.
BERNING, Carl; ZILLER, Conrad. 2017. “Social trust and radical rightwing
populist party preferences” In: Acta politica. Vol. 52, pp. 198-217.
BUŠTÍKOVÁ, Lenka. 2018. The radical right in Eastern Europe. In: The Oxford
handbook of the radical right. Oxford University Press. Oxford.
BUSTIKOVA, Lenka. 2019. Extreme Reactions: Radical Right Mobilization in
Eastern Europe. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, USA.
BUZOGÁNY, Aron. 2021. “Civic engagement, political participation and the
radical right in Central and Eastern Europe” In: Party Politics. Vol.27,
No. 1, pp. 35-45.
CARTER, Elisabeth. 2018. “Right-wing extremism/radicalism: Reconstructing
the concept” In: Journal of Political Ideologies. Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 157-
182.
CENTRE DE PRÉVENTION DE LA RADICALISATION MENANT À LA
VIOLENCE (CPRMV). 2022. Types of radicalizations. Available online.
In: https://info-radical.org/en/types-of-radicalization/. Consultation
date: 28/01/2022.
EI. 2021. The Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index 2020.
Available online. In: https://www.eiu.com/n/campaigns/democracy-
index-2020/. Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
EU. 2020. Civic engagement. Flash Eurobarometer a Public Opinion
Monitoring Study. Brussels. Available online. In: https://www.europarl.
europa.eu/at-your-service/les/be-heard/eurobarometer/2020/civic_
engagement/report/en-report.pdf. Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
690
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
FREEDOM HOUSE. 2020. Nations in Transit 2020. Available online. In:
https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/202004/05062020_
FH_NIT2020_vnal.pdf/. Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
GYÁRFÁŠOVÁ, Oľga; MESEŽNIKOV, Grigorij. 2015. Actors, agenda, and
appeal of the radical nationalist right in Slovakia. In: Transforming the
Transformation. London, Routledge.
HARMSEN, Robert. 2010. “Concluding comment: On understanding the
relationship between populism and Euroscepticism” In: Perspectives on
European Politics and Society. Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 333-341.
HEINISCH, Reinhard; SAXONBERG, Steven; WERNER, Annika;
HABERSACK, Fabian. 2021. “The eect of radical right fringe parties on
main parties in Central and Eastern Europe: Empirical evidence from
manifesto data” In: Party Politics. Vol. 27, No. 1, pp. 9-21.
HUMAN RIGHTS FIRST. 2017. Poland’s New Front A Government’s War
against Civil Society. Human Rights First. New York, USA.
INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMICS & PEACE. 2021. Global Terrorism Index 2020:
Measuring the Impact of Terrorism, Sydney, November 2020. Available
online. In: http://visionofhumanity.org/reports. Consultation date:
28/01/2022.
ISIN, Engin; NIELSEN, Greg. (Eds). 2008. Acts of Citizenship. Chicago
University Press. Chicago, USA.
KUTIYSKI, Yordan; KROUWEL, André; VAN PROOIJEN, Jan-Willem. 2021.
“Political extremism and distrust: Does radical political orientation
predict political distrust and negative attitudes towards European
integration?” In: The Social Science Journal. Vol. 58, No. 1, pp. 1-16.
MARZEC, Wiktor; NEUBACHER, Daniela. 2020. “Civil society under pressure:
historical legacies and current responses in Central Eastern Europe” In:
Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe. Vol. 28, No. 1, pp.
1-6.
MINKENBERG, Michael. 2015. Proles, patterns, process. Studying the East
European radical right in its political environment. Transforming the
Transformation? London, Routledge.
MINKENBERG, Michael. 2019. “Between party and movement: conceptual and
empirical considerations of the radical right’s organizational boundaries
and mobilization processes” In: European Societies. Vol. 21, No. 4, pp.
463-486.
691
CUESTIONES POLÍTICAS
Vol. 40 Nº 73 (2022): 671-692
MUDDE, Cas. 2016. “Europe’s populist surge: A long time in the making” In:
Foreign aairs. Vol. 95, No. 6, pp. 25-30.
MUDDE, Cas. 2017. Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe. In: The
Populist Radical Right: A Reader. Routledge. London, UK.
MUXEL, Anne. 2019. Youth and Politics in France: Democratic Decit or New
Model of Citizenship. The Routledge Handbook of French Politics and
Culture. Routledge. London, UK.
MUXEL, Anne. 2020. “Political Radicalism Among the Younger Generations”
In: Youth and Globalization. Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 123-136.
NORDSIECK, Wolfram. 2020. Parties and Elections in Europe: Parliamentary
Elections and Governments since 1945, European Parliament Elections,
Political Orientation and History of Parties. Books on Demand.
Norderstedt, Germany.
PARTIES AND ELECTIONS IN EUROPE. 2021. Parties and Elections in
Europe. Available online. In: http://www.parties-and-elections.eu/
countries.html Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
POLYAKOVA, Alina; SHEKHOVTSOV, Anton. 2016. What’s left of Europe if the
far right has its way? Washington: The Atlantic Council-The Dinu Patriciu
Eurasia Centre. Available online. In: https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/
in-depth-research-reports/issue-brief/what-s-left-of-europe-if-the-far-
right-has-its-way/. Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
RONALD, Inglehart; NORRIS, Pippa. 2016. Trump, Brexit, and the rise of
populism: Economic have-nots and cultural backlash. HKS Working
Paper № RWP16-026, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard
University. Available online. In: https://www.hks.harvard.edu/
publications/trump-brexit-and-rise-populism-economic-have-nots-
and-cultural-backlash. Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
RYDGREN, Jens. 2009. “Social Isolation? Social capital and radical right-wing
voting in Western Europe”. In: Journal of Civil Society. Vol. 5, pp. 129–
150.
SCHULMEISTER, Philipp; BÜTTNER, Matthias; CHIESA, Alice; HALLAOUY,
Said; MAGGIO, Luisa; TSOULOU MALAKOUD, Dimitra. 2019.
Parlemeter. 2019. Heeding the call beyond the vote a stronger parliament
to listen to citizens voices. Brussels, European Union. Available online.
In: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/pdf/eurobarometre/2019/
parlemeter-2019-heeding-the-call-beyond-the-vote/report/en-report.
pdf. Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
692
Olga Babkina, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska y Olena Balatska
Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe
SIROKY, David; CUFFE, John. 2015. “Lost Autonomy, Nationalism and
Separatism” In: Comparative Political Studies. Vol. 48, No. 1, pp. 3–34.
TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX. 2021. Populists are gaining
ground. Available online. In: https://populismindex.com/. Consultation
date: 28/01/2022.
USAID. 2021. CSO Sustainability Index. 2020 Civil society organization
sustainability index central and Eastern Europe and Eurasia 24th edition
– september 2021. Available online. In: https://www.fhi360.org/sites/
default/les/media/documents/csosi-europe-eurasia-2020-report.pdf.
Consultation date: 28/01/2022.
WESSENAUER, Veszna; HUNYADI, Borbála. 2016. Hungary. In: 2016 Report
on the State of Civil Society in the EU and Russia (pp. 98-122). EU-Russia
Civil Society Forum. Berlin.
www.luz.edu.ve
www.serbi.luz.edu.ve
www.produccioncienticaluz.org
Esta revista fue editada en formato digital y publicada
en julio de 2022, por el Fondo Editorial Serbiluz,
Universidad del Zulia. Maracaibo-Venezuela
Vol.40 Nº 73
