Opción, Año 33, No. 85 (2018): 152-169

ISSN 1012-1587 / ISSNe: 2477-9385

Can Central Asia be integrated as ASEAN?

Zhainara Iskakova

iskakovaj@gmail.com

Marat Sarsembayev

daneker@mail.ru

Academy of public administration under the President of the Republic of

Kazakhstan, Kazakhstan, 010000 Astana city, 33 Abai St.

Zarina Kakenova

L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Kazakhstan, 010000

Astana city, 2 Satpayev Str. z_kakenova@mail.ru

Abstract

This article examines the role of the one of the most influential contemporary regional political and economic organization of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an example for further integration of Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The role of security organizations in the context of integration also has been used. Based on the findings of this paper, Asian countries have sufficient resources and motivation to prepare for sustainable continental convergence by establishing a meaningful relationship between the experiences of different regionalism in Asia.

Keywords: ASEAN, integration, Central Asia, regionalism

Recibido: 10-01-2018 Aceptado: 09-03-2018

153 Zhainara Iskakova et al.

Opción, Año 34, No. 85 (2018): 152-169

¿Puede Asia Central ser integrada como ASEAN?

Resumen

Este artículo examina el papel de la más influyente organización política y económica regional contemporánea de la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN por sus siglas en inglés) como un ejemplo para una mayor integración de los países de Asia Central: Kazajstán, Kirguistán, Tayikistán, Turkmenistán y Uzbekistán. También se ha utilizado el papel de las organizaciones de seguridad en el contexto de la integración. Con base en los hallazgos de este documento, los países asiáticos cuentan con suficientes recursos y motivación para prepararse para una convergencia continental sostenible, estableciendo una relación significativa entre las experiencias de diferente regionalismo en Asia.

Palabras clave: ASEAN, integración, Asia Central, regionalism.

1. INTRODUCTION

In 1993 the leaders of Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan agreed to call the region encompassing their individual nations “Central Asia”. However, this initial enthusiasm for regionalism soon dissipated as the five former Soviet republics grew gradually isolated from one another. Due to the region’s strategic position and abundance in natural resources such as natural gas and oil, several excessive powers have tried to promote regional organizations to foster cooperation between them and the region. As the Central Asian states ponder whether they should form their own regional grouping, ASEAN

could well be a model for them to seriously consider (LENT, 1958). The countries of the Central Asian Region (CAR) have a century-long history of coexistence, which is rooted in the distant past (OLCOTT, 1996). With the collapse of Soviet Union in 1991, the Central Asian states faced various challenges as economic, social, ecological and security issues. The signing in 1994 of the Treaty on the Creation of a common economic space between Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan marked the beginning of the creation of an integration association in the Central Asian Rregion. On the other hand, these efforts on integration were not successful as CA republics due to various reasons became progressively separated from one another. (ROY, 2007) argues that indeed, the integration of Central Asia is necessary in the name of maintaining stability and peace in the region, ensuring national security, enhancing its role in resolving the problems in the world arena. The social stability of Central Asia is guaranteed by the cultural and political union of the Turkic, Iranian-Tajik and Slavic peoples, their ability to get along together, which has become part of the Eurasian culture. In addition, Uzbek researcher (SADRI, 1997) writes, "interests of many world and regional powers are crossed in Central Asia. Accordingly, Central Asia can play an active role in the global geopolitical restructuring that should occur in the 21st century". Economic integration as a form of government plays an important role in the world. This issue is also topical for the countries of Central Asia, for which ASEAN's regional integration can be considered as an example (BOBOKULOV, 2006, ROY, 2007).

In general, ASEAN has demonstrated itself as a successful regional integration. Currently, regional integration is also necessary for the countries of Central Asia. The transition to the integration process in

Central Asia needs implying a gradual transition from simplified to more complicated relationships, while the interests of each member state needs to be taken into account. The economies of the Central Asian countries are joint users of energy, transport and irrigation networks, gas and water supply systems. Due to this, it will be expedient to form a single economic space with a single trade and customs zone, strategy and security. Countries in Central Asia have a multi-level economy. Integration will be the impetus for development both for developed countries and for less develop (KUSHKUMBAYEV, 2013). Given the existing positive aspects and problems of regional cooperation in Central Asia, it is necessary to develop a clear strategy for interstate interaction between the countries, taking into account current and future interests, both single integration and individually all participants. Hence, the aim of this research is to analyze in depth regional cooperation in Central Asia and to define the role of the ASEAN particularly ASEAN WAY as a vivid example of successful integration union in Asia.

2. METHODOLOGY

The key component of the proposed research is a method of system analysis. International integration processes are complex phenomena which require detailed investigation of international relationships. Thus, it seems that to define the role and place of the Central Asia’s integration prospects using the example of ASEAN’s way within a method of system analysis is the most appropriate, which will allow detailed and intensive analysis of this issue. The chosen method will provide comprehensive

study of international relations and foreign policy of the states of Central Asia, revealing their interdependence with internal and external processes. Due to the nature of this paper, the best way to find answers to the research questions is to collect qualitative empirical data. As (HIRSJÄRVI, et al., 1997) mention, the basis for qualitative research is to gain holistic understanding about the phenomena. Also, the qualitative research emphasizes the research context, interpretation and understanding of the viewpoints of the participants of the study. One important source of information about the companies operating in ASEAN region was Finland- ASEAN Trade Association, which members are the companies and private persons who do business with ASEAN member countries.

3. WHAT IS ASEAN WAY?

The ASEAN Way is the official anthem of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. In 1967 members of ASEAN came to a concept which is defined as ASEAN WAY and includes norms of “informality, non-interference, musyarawah (consultation) and muafakah (consensus- building)”. ACHARYA (2003)argues that there are three directives that ASEAN based on: closed door affairs, consensus decision making and non-interference in internal affairs. ASEAN WAY according to ACHARYA (2003) “a process of regional interactions and cooperation based on discreteness, informality, consensus building and non- confrontational bargaining styles”. Also (ACHARYA, 2003) states that ASEAN WAY consists of two norms: legal rational and social-cultural

norms, where legal norms means strict stickiness to the doctrine of non- interference. In terms of social norms it means special attitude to dispute solve processes and cooperation. According to (BRESNAN, 2002) the key factor that united ASEAN countries was a fear of communism due to political context of this organization when it emerged in 1960s. Second factor according to Bresnan that led to integration of the ASEAN was a will of political leaders. The most prominent heads of states like President Suharto of Indonesia, Prime Minister of Singapore Lee Kuan Yew and Prime Minister of Malaysia Mahathir Bresnan (BRESNAN, 2002) facilitated smooth integration processes that took place in 1980 in the South East Asia. Taking into account religious diversity in the region the leaders of states could unite Muslim Malaysia and Indonesia, Buddhist Thailand, Christian Philippines and secular Singapore. Also KHOO (2004) refers to the third factor that brought ASEAN together is geopolitical luck. Indeed in 1980 during the Cold War ASEAN was lucky to be on a winning edge. The strong US support to ASEAN gave opportunity to cooperate with its allies like European Union, Japan, South Korea, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. These countries since 1974 to

1991 became ASEAN dialogue partners.

KHOO (2004) argues that market-oriented economic policies of ASEAN was fourth factor to ASEAN’s creation. Thus, he states that the main reason of success was learning best practices from leading East Asian economies like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong. Last factor by Khoo (2004) is ASEAN – Based Regional Networks that became dialogue platforms to prevent conflicts in the region. Among them the most successful projects are ASEAN Regional Forum, ASEM (Asia- Europe Meeting), ASEAN plus three (China, Japan and South Korea),

APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation). To wrap it all up ASEAN’s successful activities influenced the whole region by bringing peace and led to the creation of new institutions and dialogue platforms within Southeast Asia. In general it can be claimed that ASEAN WAY is characterized by compromise and consultation, consensus building, ambiguity, avoidance of strict reciprocity, and rejection of hard legalization (BOWLE, 1958). Based on this norm, the ASEAN Way plays a role in both the decision-making process and conflict management mechanism.

4. CENTRAL ASIA: ON THE WAY TO INTEGRATION

There are a number of definitions of integration given by various scientists investigating this phenomenon. Some of them have become classical and generally accepted. Thus, Ernst Haas (1958), one of the founders of the theory of integration, defines it as a process in which political actors in several separate national entities decide to transfer their loyalty, expectations and political activity to a new center whose institutions possess or require jurisdiction over the preceding national states. The end result of the process of political integration is a new political community superimposed on previous communities. DEUTSCH (2015) believed that it occurs through growing cross-border communication and interaction. In addition, he introduced the term "security community", which is formed in the course of such interaction. Integration is a completely new phenomenon in the practice of international relations, which arose in the second half of the twentieth

century, is the process of economic interaction between countries, leading to a convergence of mechanisms, taking the form of interstate agreements and coordinately regulated by interstate bodies (THOMPSON, 1958).

The specific features of the integration trends in the Central Asia include the lack of free access to maritime transport communications in all countries of the region. The polyconfessional nature of the Central Asia states is pushing for rivalry a number of Muslim countries in order to expand their influence on the region. Regional cooperation in this area can have a stabilizing effect and limit potential threats emanating from politically radical forms. These regional characteristics determine the importance of studying the geopolitical determinants of integration. Successful development of integration processes in various forms can become an important part of the strategy of tightening and controlling the geostrategic space. Even before the disintegration of the USSR, attempts were made to unite the states in the Central Asia. So, in 1990 the heads of five republics held their first meeting in Almaty. In Tashkent, a Protocol was signed between the five Central Asian states on the creation of a common market. The signing in 1994 of the Treaty on the creation of a common economic space between Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan marked the beginning of the creation of an integration association in the CAR. Since 1998, Tajikistan became a full party to the Treaty. The contract envisaged the free movement of goods, services, capitals, and labor and provided the conditions for carrying out the agreed credit, budgetary, tax, customs and currency policies. According to the Treaty, the Interstate Council was created, which included presidents and prime ministers of the participating countries, and its main institutions - the Council of Prime Ministers, the Council of Foreign Ministers, the

Council of Ministers of Defense and the Executive Committee. At the same time, the Agreement on the Establishment of the Central Asian Bank for Cooperation and Development was signed, the capital of which is formed by the contributions of the participating states. The question arose: Are the CA countries really ready for integration? Has Central Asia really become a single region in the sense that is necessary for the success of integration?

5. ARE THE CA COUNTRIES REALLY READY FOR INTEGRATION?

There are certain problems in the way of the integration process. First, the volume of trade and economic cooperation between CAR countries is much lower than that of each of them with partners outside the region. Secondly, the economic structure of the Central Asian republics that developed in the Soviet period is mainly of a raw material nature. Hence the weakly expressed complementarity of economies, which does not facilitate integration. Third, economic and technological backwardness and an acute shortage of financial resources compel the Central Asian states to stake on developed countries, but not on each other. Fourth, the intra-regional integration of the CAR states is hindered by the existing differences in the foreign policy and foreign economic strategy. In addition, the deepening of the integration process in the CARs is hindered by fundamental differences in the strategy of economic development, the directions and rates of transition from a planned economy to a market economy, and also significant differences in the currency, tax and customs

policies. The competition between the Central Asian states in many spheres, including in the struggle for attracting foreign investments, also makes itself felt (LAUMULIN, 2017).

The severity of domestic economic problems in the CAR countries (production decline, agrarian crisis, unemployment, instability of national currencies) contribute not to integration, but, on the contrary, to isolation. Further, the large-scale penetration of foreign capital into the economy of the CAR states can have a deterrent effect on the process of intra-regional integration, especially when enterprises and even whole industries are under full control or transferred to the ownership of foreign owners. The integration process in the CARs can be jeopardized in the event of the emergence and aggravation of intraregional interstate and interethnic conflicts. Especially the probability of conflicts is high because of the scarcity of water resources in the region. Until now, mechanisms for the implementation of agreements have not been regulated; there is no coordination of customs, credit, tax and budgetary policies. The legislative base has not been created. The republics of the Central Asia continues to face economic difficulties, the states do not define regional relations as priority. To strengthen integration, it is necessary to intensify not only the dialogues of top-level managers, but also the relationships at all levels, especially in medium and small businesses. With the exception of the common threats that have now turned into the most powerful factor in activating the integration processes in the CAR, everything else is either in its infancy or outside the integration process. The reason for this, according to a number of Western scholars, is the objective circumstances and contradictions existing between the states of the region:

- The problem of territories, water, energy resources;

- The problem of leadership in Central Asia and the relationship between the leaders of states;

- The difference in approaches to economic reform and views on the ways and extent of integration both within the CAR and the CIS as a whole;

- The problem of internal political and socio-economic stability in the states of the region and the associated problem of the "Islamic threat";

- The actual destruction of the regional system of collective security, the diversity of foreign policy preferences of the states of the region;

- Misunderstanding by the leaders of states of the need for unification;

- The effectiveness and feasibility of the signed agreements is at an extremely low level;

- There is an economic pressure of the states on each other in the form of unilateral cessation of deliveries of those or other goods that should not be within the limits of one union;

- There is no single political, economic, information space.

From the point of view of modern political science, according to scientists, not every national or ethnic entity with a single territory, external borders and unified administrative power can be called a state. The state should become, develop effective forms of functioning of administrative bodies, a bureaucratic apparatus, create a single socio- cultural space and achieve general civil self-identification, develop a single legal consciousness among the population. In the CAR states there is a patriarchal social organization, a sociocultural space divided according to the clan and community characteristics; there is no civil self- identification, a single legal consciousness, political relations are authoritarian. This state of the states is the main brake on the integration processes in the region, it negates the effectiveness of the decisions taken, because while the integrationist state itself - the state - is in the stage of formation, the integration union cannot be perfect.

6. CENTRAL ASIAN SECURITY: CIS, CSTO AND SCO

Security issues are the main ones for such organizations operating in the post-Soviet space, such as the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States), CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) and the SCO (Shanghai cooperation organization). These associations for Moscow are a mechanism for coordination and cooperation in the implementation of jointly adopted decisions, and despite the fact that organizations formally pursue different goals, in fact, their functions often coincide. Attention is drawn to the fact that the management bodies of organizations are also similar. It seems that the division of the "zones of responsibility" between

the CSTO, the CIS and the SCO contributes to a more effective solution of security problems in Central Asia (LAUMULIN, 2017). The Shanghai organization reflects the security strategy in Central Asia not only of Russia, but also China’s attitude. This was the reason for the internal contradictions existing in the SCO. Initially, the organization had as its goal the fight against "three kinds of evil": separatism, extremism and terrorism. Gradually, these problems have lost relevance for most countries in Central Asia. Common to all members of the "Shanghai Five" is only the problem of religious extremism. However, the organization responds promptly to new security challenges and demonstrates its readiness to assume responsibility for ensuring security in Central Asia and for the overall development of the region. The organization also makes active efforts to combat drug trafficking and drug smuggling from Afghanistan. However, the solution of such a large-scale problem is hardly possible with the efforts of one organization.

The Shanghai organization, which is not yet fully consolidated, as a whole is achieving certain successes in the field of ensuring security in the region. At this stage, it needs to strengthen, resolve internal contradictions and bet on integration rather than expansion. Unlike the SCO, which combines both economic and military-political functions, the CSTO is a kind of security institution, which is responsible for both traditional and new threats and challenges in Central Asia. In addition to solving border problems and preventing foreign policy threats, the CSTO solves such major problems as the fight against drug trafficking, for which the special operation "Channel" is carried out every year. The United States, for which Central Asia is a strategically important region, is also interested in maintaining stability on its territory. The US security strategy

in Central Asia was the deployment of NATO military forces in the Central Asian states after September 11, 2001. Although Central Asia is the center of the intersection of geopolitical interests of the US, Russia and China, these states understand the danger of destabilizing the situation in the region and, albeit separately from each other, are taking steps to address security problems in Central Asia.

7. RESULTS

One of the coordinates of the transitional period of the international system is the establishment of a new relationship between the two domains Regional and global. In this context, the trend towards regionalism and the diffusion of regional institutions and organizations is one of the hallmarks of the transitional era governing international relations. This transformation has made the concept of the region an indispensable role in shaping the world order of the future. If we compare the levels of conflict in the ASEAN countries and in the countries of Central Asia, objectively, the Central Asian states have more chances to create an effective regional security structure. A promising option here can be synchronization of the process of creating a regional security system with economic diversification and integration. It is interesting that a number of ASEAN members in the early 1990s threatened regional security with the collapse of the bipolar structure of international relations, with a sharp reduction in superpower regulation and the loss of a stable balance.

This situation also remains characteristic to the post-Soviet space. For the intercontinental countries of CA, security can be carried out at a trans boundary level, as well as ASEAN countries have begun integration at the maritime level. Thus, with the development of Asian economies, there are other horizons of cooperation and convergence The Asians opened up with each other. In this emerging space, regionalism and Asiaticism helped to rethink intercontinental interactions and deepen and expand inter-Asian ties. Almost all the ASEAN countries, along with the support of Moscow, also seek the support of the West, and, first of all, the United States. It is likely that the satellite development of the Central Asian states, when the attraction of larger states will change the orbit of the smaller ones, will lead to the fragmentation of the emerging Central Asian geopolitical complex. ASEAN had the same situation. The initiative of creating ASEAN united small states, and managed to consolidate the efforts of small states and limit the pressure of larger states, thereby changing the geopolitical configuration in the Asia-Pacific region. The situation in Central Asia is developing to a certain extent in a similar scenario, but is at the initial stage, where the risks of destruction of the existing balance of power are especially high.

8. CONCLUSION

Intercountry integration is a multidimensional, multilevel and complex process in contemporary international relations. It implies the consideration of the common and specific features of the unifying countries. Objective changes related to the processes of globalization and

the internationalization of existing national economic and political systems have necessitated a conceptual interpretation of the emerging phenomena in international relations. Ideas of integration, born in the midst of politicians and scientists, sought theoretical design and scientific forecasting. Nevertheless, Northeast Asia has the necessary geographic, economic and cultural infrastructure for regional integration in the form of a regional entity. Because of the high volume of economic exchanges, cultural convergence and the geographical affinity of the main components of regional integration are considered. The analysis of similar models in world practice leads to the conclusion about a certain attractiveness of the ASEAN experience for the Central Asian region. ASEAN countries began an integration start with not self-sufficient agrarian and resource economies. Preparation of favorable conditions for the integration of participating countries took this organization several decades and only in 2007 a free trade zone was opened. The tasks facing ASEAN at the beginning of the integration path are in part similar to the goals and problems of the participants in the Central Asian integration. Economic depression in the regional context, armed conflicts, and unresolved interethnic and territorial problems, entry into the zone of rivalry of world centers of power - most of these factors are present and growing in the Central Asian region, hence to some extent author would like to claim that Central Asia countries still can be integrated as ASEAN.

Today, "Asiaticization of Asia" seems to be a purely academic and theoretical debate as a kind of Asian consciousness and regional identity, especially in the civil, international, and economic fields of trade and energy between the countries and regions of the ancient continent, are gradually emerging. In addition, although Asia faces challenges and crises

and historic competition on security and Asia's economy and politics, this is not considered to be the destiny of this continent. Even as Europe, in spite of Historical militancy in this direction has been taken up and doping. Hence the way Asian confrontation with its historical issues will determine the future of this continent. Given that Asian economies both in Asia and in the world have a role to play Convergence of continental economics can also provide a basis for political and cultural cooperation among Asian countries, as well as having the most important emerging powers on the continent. The logic of the hegemonic experience suggests that, without any international unifying factors, there is no regional identity or cooperative means of intentions. There is no doubt that the common concerns of Asian countries lead to regional convergence, but the idea of Asian commonality, as long as it is not associated with concrete structures, is more in the stage Abstract will remain.

REFERENCES

ACHARYA, Amitav, 2003. Constructing a security community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the problem of regional order, Routledge, Abingdon (United Kingdom).

BOBOKULOV, Inomjon, 2006. "Central Asia: is there an alternative to regional integration?". Central Asian Survey, Vol. 25, No.1-2:

75-91.

BOWLE, John, 1958. Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organization in the light of Historical Experience, Oxford University Press, Abingdon (United Kingdom).

BRESNAN, John, 2002. Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEAN and the Problem of Regional Order, Routledge, Abingdon (United Kingdom).

DEUTSCH, Karl Wolfgang, 2015. Political Community and the North American Area, Princeton University Press, New Jersey (United States).

HIRSJÄRVI, Sirkka, Remes, Pirkko and Sajavaara, Paula, 1997. Tutki ja kirjoita, Tammi, Pennsylvania (United States).

KHOO, Nicholas, 2004. "Deconstructing the ASEAN security community: a review essay". International Relations of the Asia- Pacific, Vol. 4, No.1: 35-46.

KUSHKUMBAYEV, Sanat, 2013. "The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Its Potential Influence on Regional Security in Central Asia". Voices from Central Asia, Vol. 10, No.3: 1-5.

LAUMULIN, MT, 2017. "Central Asia within Foreign Political Science and World Geopolitics". Opt cit, Vol. 14, No.3: 56-85.

LENT, Ernest S, 1958. Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organization in the Light of Historical Experience, Elmer Ellsworth Brown, New York (United States).

OLCOTT, Martha Brill, 1996. Central Asia's new states: independence, foreign policy, and regional security, United States Inst of Peace Press, New York (United States).

ROY, Olivier, 2007. The new Central Asia: Geopolitics and the birth of nations, NYU Press, New York (United States).

SADRI, Houman A, 1997. "Integration in Central Asia: From theory to policy". Central Asian Survey, Vol. 16, No.4: 573-586.

THOMPSON, Kenneth W, 1958. Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organization in the Light of Historical Experience, Nauka, Mossko (Russia).