Opción, Año 33, No. 85 (2018): 582-604
ISSN 1012-1587 / ISSNe: 2477-9385
Return migration issues
in Kazakh-Chinese relations: Mobility and immobility in
migration of Kazakh diaspora in China
Aibolat Dalelkhan
Institute of Diplomacy of the Academy of Public Administration under the
President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Kazakhstan, 010000, Astana, Abay avenue, 33a
dalelkhan@gmail.com
Dariko Mazhidenova
Institute of Diplomacy of the Academy of Public Administration under the
President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Kazakhstan, 010000, Astana, Abay avenue, 33a
dariko69@mail.ru
Aiman Azmukhanova
L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Kazakhstan,
010008, Astana, Satpayev street, 2 aiaz67@mail.ru
Lyazzat Tuleshova
L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Kazakhstan,
010008, Astana, Satpayev street, 2
bereke_62@mail.ru
Saule Aliyeva
L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Kazakhstan, 010008, Astana, Satpayev street, 2
saulealieva@mail.ru
Abstract
In the paper the Kazakhstan migration research is carried out, its role in social and economic life of Republic is defined, main stages are established. Recommendations on
improving
Migration policy of the
Republic of Kazakhstan are proposed.
As a result of the research, it was revealed that the current Law on Migration of the Republic
of
Kazakhstan may not positively stimulate the process of resettlement of ethnic Kazakhs from China.
It is recommended to
work
directly
with
Kazakh
youth
abroad in order to give a new impetus to the process of migration
of
the Kazakh diaspora to Kazakhstan
Keywords: Kazakhstan, China, return migration, Kazakh diaspora, oralman.
Recibido: 10-01-2018 Aceptado: 09-03-2018
Regreso a los temas de migración en las relaciones Kazakh-Chinas: Movilidad e inmobilidad en la
migración de
la diáspora de Kazaj
en China
Resumen
En el documento se realiza la investigación de la migración de
Kazajstán,
se
define su papel en la vida social y económica de la República, se establecen las etapas principales. Se
proponen recomendaciones
para mejorar la política migratoria de la República de Kazajstán. Como resultado de la investigación, se reveló que la actual
Ley
de Migración
de la República de Kazajstán
puede no estimular
positivamente el
proceso de reasentamiento de los kazajos étnicos de
China. Se recomienda trabajar directamente con los jóvenes kazajos en el
extranjero para dar un nuevo impulso al proceso de migración de
la diáspora kazaja a
Kazajstán.
Palabras clave: Kazajstán, China, migración de retorno, diáspora
kazaja, oralman.
INTRODUCTION
Since the independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the issue of migration
has been one of the priorities of the country‟s internal and external policy. In the first years of independence, migration flows were chaotic and spontaneous, but in recent years this issue has been slightly adjusted. Management institutions have been established and legislative
frameworks have been improved.
Also, special programs are developed
and
mechanisms for monitoring the migration flow are launched.
Taking
into
account the fact that
unregulated
migration is a
dangerous
phenomenon for national security, the Government of Kazakhstan
pays a
special attention to migration
issues.It should be noted that the migration problems of Kazakhstan in the 1990s were significantly different from the problems of migration in other parts of the world. While economic and political
factors were the main causes of migration
flows in other parts of the world (Griffith, 1997, Wilson, 1997, Basch, et al., 2005), the main reason for Kazakhstani migration
in the early years of independence was returning to the historical homeland. This is the main reason for not only
the
return of the Kazakh diaspora from abroad to Kazakhstan, but also the
reason for the emigration
of
the population from Kazakhstan(Amrekulov and Masanov, 1994, Masanov, 2002, Sadovskaya, 2007). It is clear that
the
Soviet Union, which had existed for more than seventy years, was a country
that had destroyed the fate of many people (Pak, 1976,
Kendirbaeva, 1997). It did not only play with the fate of his compatriots, but also directly participated in the lives of citizens of the socialist
camp (Pohl, 2012, Genina, 2015).
The collapse
of
the USSR in 1991 was the main reason for the massive nature of migration processes in the post-Soviet
space. People, who at a certain period of
history
went
abroad because of political, military and economic circumstances,
and those who forcibly and voluntarily moved to Kazakhstan,
began to return to their historical homeland. It is clear that the migration of Germans, Russians, and
Ukrainians to their
historical
homeland from the country was accompanied by a sharp decline in the population of Kazakhstan in 1991-
1994. The policy of resettlement of ethnic Kazakhs from abroad, enacted
after independence, could not immediately
compensate for the number of
emigrants who left Kazakhstan. Despite
the fact that the
policy
of
returning ethnic Kazakhs from abroad is still ongoing, over the course of
time,
Kazakhstani migration flows began
to
acquire an economic character. Today‟s migration situation in Kazakhstan is a part of global migration
processes. Today in Kazakhstan, as in other CIS countries,
all types of migration processes can be observed. In particular, those are
international and internal migration,
permanent and temporary migration,
legal and illegal migration, voluntary
and forced migration, as well as
labor, trade and business migration (Sadovskaya, 2008). Unfortunately, the migration of ethnic Kazakhs from
abroad to their historical homeland, which was originally of a national-emotional nature, gradually began to acquire an economic background(Sadovskaya,
2009). This article
examines the impact of the migration
of Chinese ethnic Kazakhs, the
largest Kazakh diaspora in the world, on the migration situation in
Kazakhstan and their decision-making process whether to return to their historical homeland.
2. METHODOLOGY
The article discusses the migration
policy of the Republic of
Kazakhstan since independence. Apart from Kazakhstan‟s research on migration,
even the scientific works
of Russian scientists
are not in demand in the world academic environment. It can be argued that none of the scientists from the post-Soviet countries was included in the list
of
100 most cited works in the field of migration research. However, one cannot claim that the study of migration processes was not undertaken in the
Soviet science at all. Research in the field of migration in the Soviet
Union
was mainly carried
out
in
the
context
of the historical
and
demographic
research. At the same time, these studies had an ideological
character typical for the Soviet Union. Voluntary and forced (imposed)
migration of peoples was seen as an occurrence in the implementation
of the Union‟s general political, economic
and military initiatives (Chebotarev, 2002). Using socialist
ideology as a weapon, the USSR
considered
migration movements not as a separate object
for research, but
as a
natural movement for the sake of building communism, but also
making studies of migration processes
to lag behind, although
it has, in many ways, a great significance for social studies. Therefore,
the theoretical basis of research in the field of migration is taken from the work of European and American scientists.
Theoretical
bases of research in the field of migration were originally founded in the US. Later, American sociologists first developed a classical model of
empirical sociology,
showing
the relationship
between
people and society, using the method of studying personal
documents of citizens. The work of Pak (1976), who developed the theory
of
urban ecology
based on the concept of human ecology, has not lost its
relevance to the present day.Modern studies of international migration are
developing in the West as an interdisciplinary direction at the intersection
of
economic and political sciences, sociology, demography, geography, anthropology, international relations, etc. incorporating different approaches, theories and concepts. Analysis of theories shows that they are not contradicting, but complementary, that is, mutually reinforcing
each other in understanding migration processes(Douglas, et
al.,
2009).The process of globalization
has strengthened the ethno-cultural factors in the migration processes and led to the transnationalization
of migrations. The theory of transnational migration introduced the notion of
„transnationalism‟(Schiller, et al., 1995). Transnationalism is defined as
the
process of creating cross-border social spaces that cross geographical and political boundaries, in which migrants develop and support many family, economic, organizational,
religious, political emotional ties.The
first Kazakhstani studies in the field
of
migration, at the time of the Soviet
Union, were conducted from the point of view of industrial power, and
later studied on the basis of demographic, ethnic and anti-war
processes.Historian-ethnologist N.
Masanov in his
work
analyzes the history of natural migrations and organized replacements in the country in a complex
relationship with natural and climatic, household-economic, political, ethno-cultural, socio-psychological conditions and factors(Masanov, 2002).In the 1990s, after the collapse of the USSR, in Kazakhstan
the field of migration was mainly focused on ethno- demographic
and ethno-political studies, while since 2000, due to the
improved economic conditions
and increased labor migration, the first
applied research has begun. Meanwhile, the migration
of ethnic Kazakhs from abroad to Kazakhstan in the first years of independence was mainly
studied from statistics view and had a
descriptive character.In Kazakhstan, studies in the field of migration rarely attempt to scientifically theorize the migration processes of ethnic Kazakhs from abroad to Kazakhstan. In
spite of the fact that the analysis of individual situations
is being conducted, special attention is not paid to the decision-making process of ethnic Kazakhs to enter migration flows. They do not take into account the
fact that
it is very difficult for the Kazakh diaspora in China and Mongolia
to take a decision to move to another
country, since it is an autochthonous
ethnic group. The study of migration processes of the Kazakh diaspora
from this view by American scientists such as Diener A, Cynthia Werner and Holly R. Barkus, should inspire academic circles in Kazakhstan as
well (Chebotarev,
2002).In the light of investigation problem, this type of
qualitative study aimed to explore the student experience of ethnic Kazakh
returnees from China, both the language aspect and social integration. The
proceeding research questions
were
formulated
which built on
the research purpose to discover the phenomenon
of being ethnic Kazakh
returnee students:
1. What were reasons for migration
and language background
of ethnic Kazakh returnee students from China?
2. How
do ethnic Kazakh returnee students from China describe a people experience in Kazakh-medium higher education?
3. How
do ethnic Kazakh returnee peoples from China identify
themselves and how do they see their social
integration now and in
the
future?
3. RESULTS
The efforts of governments
to influence cultural influence in some
historical periods differed from that of foreign relations, including regulations, treaties, sanctions,
treaties, and military
issues, when
the
Chinese preemptiveism was accompanied by a military
campaign to other countries,
but by the time this kind of superiority
was
lost. And thus their organized cultural endeavor began.It has been a quarter century
since the Republic of Kazakhstan gained its independence.
During this time, the issue of migration in the country‟s domestic
and foreign policy did not
recede for a single moment. In the first years of independence, Kazakhstan
pursued a policy of resettlement of ethnic Kazakhs to their homeland at
the
state level, but could not resist the process of emigration
from Kazakhstan. The collapse of the Soviet Union started anactive migration
of
peoples, who for various reasons had been moved to the territory of
Kazakhstan.
The flow of emigrants began not in the first years of
independence as one could think, but a little earlier. In 1989, the number of emigrants
who moved from Kazakhstan accounted for more than 300 thousand peopl. Evidencing the number of emigrated people from
Kazakhstan two or three years before the collapse of the USSR, it is not
hard to notice that the Red Empire
has taken
the path to disintegration. Taking into account thatthe fact that the Russian
people were the core of
the
Kazakh emigration,
it is difficult to consider that in 1988-1991 they moved
to
Russia in pursuit
of a better
life. In
the last
years
of the
existence of the USSR, the socio-economic
situation in all parts of the Union was quite the same. The unrest and clashes of a national nature that arose in the late 1980s in many
regions of the USSR served as the main
factor for the „core nation‟
to
reconsider its future
with
the
union republics. Since independence, the number of Russian emigrants increased even more. The number of Russians who moved from Kazakhstan in
1991-1997 made up 1.2 million. Along with Slavs, ethnic Germans and
representatives of other nationalities who were deported to Kazakhstan during the years of the Soviet Union
emigrated from the country. According
to official figures from 1991 to 2015, 3.538 million people emigrated from Kazakhstan. As a result, the number of the population
of Kazakhstan in the 1990s decreased by 18%. In order to compensate for these losses, since 1991 Kazakhstan has been pursuing a policy aimed at the return of ethnic Kazakhs who, for historical reasons, left or remained outside the border
of Kazakhstan. According
to
the
Committee of
Statistics of the Ministry of National Economy, from 1991 to January 1,
2016 261,104 families moved to Kazakhstan, that is, 957,772 ethnic Kazakhs acquired citizenship of Kazakhstan and accounted for 5.5% of
the
total population. To be more precise, 61.1% of oralmans moved from Uzbekistan,
14.2% from China, 9.2% from Mongolia, 6.8% from
Turkmenistan, 4.6% from the Russian Federation and 3.6% from other
countries
(Bonnenfant, 2012).
600000
400000
Immigrants
300000
200000
100000
0
Fig.1. External migration of people of the Republic of
Kazakhstan
1991-2017
(people)
Based on the data in Figure 1, it can be seen
that the migration balance is
not
in favor of Kazakhstan. Unfortunately, the
number of
oralmans was high only in the first years of independence.
One
can note that the main reason for the large flow of oralmans
in the early 90s was yearning
for the historical homeland, which served as a „pull factor‟ for
moving to the ancestral land (Dave, 2004).Despite
the
fact that the economic situation in the country
during these years was difficult, it was
easier for the government of Kazakhstan to accept the first stream of
oralmans, since the houses and jobs of citizens emigrated to Russia and
Germany were vacated.
As all properties were owned by the state during
the
Soviet era, in the first years of independence the exact value of real
estate was not determined in the Kazakhstan market. In addition, the
relocation of Russians and Germans increased the supply in the real estate market. In turn, oralmans filled in the jobs and occupied empty houses in
rural areas, which contributed to the preservation
of
infrastructure and
prevented the economic depression of villages.
In recent studies on the migration of the Kazakh diaspora to Kazakhstan, researchers are more likely to note not only the ideological nature of migration of oralmans, but more economic causes. In other words,
one
can note that the migration of the
Kazakh diaspora is becoming
a part of the global migration processes, which are often of an
economic nature. As an example, the number of oralmans from China is
provided below.
7000
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
Fig.2. Number of oralmans from China to Kazakhstan 1995-2013 (people)
As
shown in Figure 2, the number of oralmans from China in the first years of independence was insignificant, increasing during the years
of
the country‟s economic
growth and again falling in the last years
of
the economic crisis. Considering this,
it
can be
noted
that the
current
migration of oralmans differs from the 90s.The migration of Chinese Kazakhs to Kazakhstan,
which began
with
the
independence, can
be divided into three periods. In the first period, 1991-2000,
the
pull factor
was the main reason for the Kazakh diaspora from
China to take decision to move to Kazakhstan. In those years, the economic situation in China
was much better than in Kazakhstan, despite this, some Kazakhs decided to return to ancestral „homeland‟. The Law on Migration of the Republic
of Kazakhstan,
adopted in 1997, reduced
the amount
of assistance
provided to oralmans. These changes
in the law served to reduce the
migration of Kazakhs from Mongolia to Kazakhstan (UNDP 2006), but did not affect the migration of Kazakhs from China (Figure 2). For
qualitative
analysis
in the city of Astana, interviews were conducted with Kazakhs who moved to Kazakhstan between 1992 and 2001. 75 people who took part in the interview noted that the reason for them
to move to
Kazakhstan was returning to their historical homeland.
The second period is 2001-2008. In these years, the
economic
situation
of the Republic of Kazakhstan
has
improved with the growth of oil prices in the world market. During this period, trade and economic
relations increased between Kazakhstan and China. The average growth of bilateral trade from 2000 to 2009 amounted to 36.1%. The development of
trade and „shop-tourism‟ between China and Kazakhstan reassured the migration of Kazakhs in China. It can be noted that the Kazakh diaspora in China tried to use this opportunity in every possible way. While in the
period from 1995 to 2002 the number of Kazakhs who moved from China to Kazakhstan accounted for only 4293, in 2005 the number reached
13,909 people. Despite the fact that the number of allocated
quotas by the Government
of
Kazakhstan was limited, the number of Kazakhs who moved from China to Kazakhstan increased every year. If before January
1, 2007 the number of Kazakhs who moved from China to Kazakhstan was 37 788 people, then on January
1, 2008 their number reached 54 327
people. A well-known
scientist E.Y. Sadovskaya notes that despite the small number of allocated quotas, Chinese Kazakhs move to Kazakhstan hoping for help from
relatives and friends among oralmans from China.
This opinion is supported by another well-known
Kazakh sinologist Kearney,according
to whom, “... there is a clear tendency to restore not
only relative, but also tribal links of Chinese and our Kazakhs”(Kearney,
1995).The view that the Kazakhs
relocated from China rely mainly
on the help of relatives and friends in Kazakhstan
has
been confirmed by
numerous
surveys. But then the question arises, at what time they had relatives in Kazakhstan. Most of the Kazakhs living in the XUAR are
autochthonous people. As a result of the agreements on the division of borders between Tsarist Russia and the Qin Empire, many Kazakhs remained in China and received Chinese citizenship.
So the transfer of Kazakhs to the XUAR from Kazakhstan occurred due to
political, military
and
economic situations in two stages: in 1916 and in the period 1930-
1934. However, 300 thousand Kazakhs who moved to XUAR in 1916 were later returned to Kazakhstan in the autumn of 1918. Most of the
Kazakhs who left for China during collectivization
and
during the
“Asharshylyq” years, unable to withstand pressure from the Chinese authorities through
Tibet,
Afghanistan and
Iran reached
Turkey and
formed the Kazakh diaspora in European countries.
Also in 1962, when
the border between
the USSR and the PRC was opened for two weeks, many Kazakhs returned to Kazakhstan. Taking into account that in the period from 1991 to 2002 the number of Kazakhs who moved from China
was not numerous, again the question arises where the relatives came
from, which served as a support for the numerous
oralmans who returned
from China in 2005-2010.
Based on
the results
of the interview conducted
among
the
oralmans in the settlements Karaotkel, Koyandy, Talapker, which are
located near the city of Astana, where a large number of Kazakhs from
abroad are concentrated,
it can be claimed that the migration of Chinese Kazakhs
to Kazakhstan
in 2001-2008 was “short-term- continuous”. Prior
to this, Kazakhs from
other countries tried to move along with „large families‟ (áulet - relatives of one great-grandfather), while in the period
2001-2008, this process can be described as“short-term- continuous”. This
means that it was young families
and
bachelors who first moved to
Kazakhstan, and then, after several years, having improved their economic
situation, they transported their parents and relatives. The main reason for improving the material and economic well-being
of
young Chinese Kazakhs
in such a short time is the benevolent migration
policy of the
Republic of Kazakhstan in relation to oralmans (having no citizenship of the Republic of Kazakhstan, only with a residence permit, they were
allowed to purchase houses, to obtain land for the construction of houses, to engage in cattle-breeding, agriculture, individual entrepreneurship etc.).
At
the same time, the intensive growth
of the economy of Kazakhstan contributed to the increase in trade between China and Kazakhstan, which also became the reason for improving the well-being of oralmans from China. Oralmans, who opened their business in Kazakhstan, having made
their relatives
in China to be partners for their business,
created a kind of
business model. Even now
oralmans using this business model
are
quite common in the country. Also, during the interview
it was revealed that many of
the
oralmans,
in order to start their
business, brought their
original capital along
with them. In the years of economic improvement in
Kazakhstan, the relocation of numerous oralmans from China may seem
to be part of the global labor migration,
but there is no evidence that
oralmans who moved to Kazakhstan ever transferred remittances to relatives in China. This means that oralmans
closely
link their future with
Kazakhstan. In the third period, which began in 2009, the migration of the Kazakh diaspora directly correlates with the economic situation of China
and
Kazakhstan.
Table 1. GDP per capita of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the People's
Republic of China. (Compiled according to the World Bank data)
|
|
2000
|
2005
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
2017
|
|
Kazakhstan
|
1 230
|
3753
|
9 005
|
11
553
|
12
300
|
13
789
|
12
712
|
10
435
|
7 456
|
8 585
|
|
China
|
959
|
1 766
|
4 524
|
5 583
|
6 329
|
7 081
|
7 702
|
8 167
|
8 123
|
8 583
|
In 2010, Kazakhstan‟s GDP per capita was twice as large as in China‟s, while in 2017 they equaled. However,
taking into account that since 2014 China has been the first economy in the world by PPP GDP,
Kazakhstan‟s economy
is no longer attractive for Kazakhs in China. This situation is considered as a negative factor for the Kazakhs from
China to take a decision to move to Kazakhstan. It can be noted that the age of
Kazakhs moving from China is getting younger. The younger generation of Kazakhs from China, who was born after the 1990s, notes that
the main reason for their move to Kazakhstan is the opinion of their parents. The
policy of the Chinese government
to modernize the western regions of
China negatively
affects the national identity
of
Chinese Kazakhs. According to sinologist KalamkasYesimova,
currently 90% of Kazakh children living in Xinjiang are studying in bilingual schools(Pohl, 2012). According
to the results of a survey conducted by the candidate of sociological
sciences, director of the „Public Opinion‟ Research Institute, Rakisheva, and 94% of the respondents
noted that they worry about the future of their native language (Rakisheva and Abibulayeva,
2016). Parents, who are
worried that their children will forget
their mother tongue and finally assimilate with the Chinese, try to send their children to
study in universities in Kazakhstan after graduating from high school.Students who study at the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University in Astana say during the interview that
despite ignorance of the
Russian language and poor knowledge of the Kazakh language, and that some of their parents
still live in China, connect their future with Kazakhstan
anyway.In recent years, studies on the migration processes between Kazakhstan and China, statistics on the number of Kazakhs who
have moved from China often encounter inconsistencies. A well-known researcher on migration issues Y. Sadovskaya writes that in 2013 about
1700 people moved from China to Kazakhstan, while in 2014 it was 500
people (Sadovskaya, 2009).At the same time, sinologist S.
Kozhireva gives the following data: in 2013 6 160 people moved from China to
Kazakhstan, in 2014 it was 2 324 people, and in 2015
it accounted for 320
people (Dave, 2007). According to
the Committee
of Statistics of the
Ministry
of
National Economy of the RK, the number of Kazakhs who came from abroad, aside from the CIS countries, was 2 582 in 2013,
1154
people
in 2014,
1 724 people in 2015,
and
2 518 people
in 2016 (Taldau).
Given that aside
from the CIS countries,
the largest Kazakh Diasporas live
in Mongolia and China, one can notice that the data in studies on oralmans from China does not correspond. That is, there is a clear need for a qualitative analysis of migratory processes of oralmans in recent years.
4. DISCUSSION
Experts
often criticize
the Kazakhstan‟ Lawon Migration, arguing that
it
is discriminatory. They note
that financial support along with multiple benefits is provided to oralmans, which, in turn, legislates discriminating
norms not only against other foreign citizens staying in
Kazakhstan,
but also the citizens of Kazakhstan,
including its indigenous population
- Kazakhs (DAVE, 2007). But as can be seen from Figure 2, even such measures of the RK Government
are
not sufficient to induce
Kazakhs from abroad to move to Kazakhstan. Another negative factor for
the
Kazakhs‟ move to Kazakhstan, and in some cases returning them back to China, is the high cost and rising prices for real estate
due to rising oil
prices on the world market.
State
aid is often not sufficient to start a new
life
in a new place, for this reason, many ethnic Kazakhs
abroad are hesitant to abandon their usual way of life. In addition, many oralmans, using the privileges provided by the Law on Migration
of
the RK, are reluctant to obtain the citizenship of Kazakhstan. This can be seen from
the
data provided by the Office of the Migration Police under the Ministry
of Internal Affairs
of the
Republic of Kazakhstan. 17.7
thousand
Oralmans who moved from China to Kazakhstan
before October 1, 2014,
having a residence
permit, retained the citizenship of the PRC. In order to streamline this situation, the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan
should review the procedure for obtaining
a residence permit and
citizenship.
It should be noted that oralmans from
China
take a special place in the issues of the country‟s migration. The
Kazakh diaspora in China is not
only the largest in the world, but also lives on the territory
of
the state, which is the second economy of the world and a strategic partner of Kazakhstan. The Kazakhs who
live in China know the
language and mentality
of this country, received Chinese education, being able to
determine
the economic potential
of the state,
and mastering the knowledge and skills to conduct independent
business. Moving in a large number, ethnic Kazakhs from China to Kazakhstan not only helps to
increase the
population of
Kazakhstan, but also will
have a positive impact on deepening Kazakh-Chinese
relations. Some experts see ethnic
Kazakhs as a threat to the social, even national security
of
Kazakhstan. A
well-known
Kazakh sinologist K. Syroezhkin asserts that among the
immigrants from
China there
may
be „unstable
elements‟ and even
„recruited‟ ones who will form the „fifth column‟ in the republic, as a
result of which provocations and conflicts can be inevitable(AM, et al.,
1970). However, it should be
noted
that
this
statement
cannot be true.First, China is a country for whom instability in Kazakhstan is not beneficial. China has long struggled with Uyghur separatism and religious extremism in the west of the country. If an unstable situation arises in the bordering region of Kazakhstan, security
issues in the west of the country
will become even more acute. Therefore, it is difficult to say that China is
interested in Kazakhstan
becoming an unstable state. Second, close trade and economic relations between Kazakhstan and China have been established. If we take
into account that
according to the global Xi Jinping
project „One
belt, one road‟the main roads will pass through the territory
of Kazakhstan, China is more interested in the stability of our country.
Thirdly, it is difficult to believe that among the immigrants from China there may be „unstable elements‟ that will form the „fifth column‟ in the republic. During the years of independence about 140 thousand oralmans
moved from China, but they are not concentrated
in one place, they are located all over Kazakhstan,
which means they do not have sufficient
capacity to destabilize the situation in the country. For
27 years there have been no data that oralmans from China participated in destructive measures. Taking into
account that most
immigrants from
China
are engaged in trade, it can
be noted that
their
everyday life is
directly connected with China. And many of their relatives still live in China.
Therefore, it would be wrong to consider oralmans from China as a threat
to the country‟s national security.
At the present, the level of sinophobia
in the country is very high.
The Kazakhs have a concept, “When
the
end of the world comes, the Chinese will overflow
the whole world” (Akyrzamanbolgandakarakytaikaptaidy). It is no secret that we view every
Chinese as a security threat. It is for this reason that we see a threat from
the
oralmans who migrated from China.
5. CONCLUSION
Relations between China and Kazakhstan have been good for more than two decades now and they enjoy excellent economic relations. Recently, still, security concerns have crept into the relationship between
the two countries. It is clear that under the conditions of globalization,
Kazakhstan cannot develop outside the world migration processes. Labor migration
associated with the economic situation will remain the main
issue of domestic and foreign policy of the country in the future. At the
same time, Kazakhstan
is intending
to continue the policy of resettlement
of the Kazakh diaspora living in other
countries.It considers the
differences
in Kazakhstani migration from the world migration processes and the impact of ethnic Kazakh resettlement on the migration situation in the country. It also gives a detailed analysis of the process of resettlement
of
Kazakh‟s largest diaspora in the world living in China to Kazakhstan. The migration of Chinese ethnic Kazakhs in its dynamics
of
development
was divided into three periods. The decision-making
process on the
migration of Kazakhs from China was described in detail using the result
of interviews with oralmans. The issues of mobility and immobility in the
process of migration of the Kazakh diaspora in China were considered as well as describing how this affected the decision to move, and that the Kazakh diaspora in China is an autochthonous people.
As
we can see from the study, the migration of Kazakhs from abroad to Kazakhstan had different nature in different periods of time. During
the 27 years of independence, more than 1 million ethnic Kazakhs
moved to Kazakhstan, which contributed to a significant increase in the population of the country. However, despite the fact that the Kazakh
diaspora living in China is the largest in the world, it accounted for only
15%
of all oralmans who moved
to
Kazakhstan during the
years
of
independence. The main reason for reluctance of Chinese Kazakhs to move to Kazakhstan is that they are an autochthonous
people. It is this
position that
adversely affects the decision of Chinese Kazakhs to move to
Kazakhstan.It was also
revealed that
the
migration of Kazakhs from China
is determined economically.
The decline in economic growth in
Kazakhstan in recent years and the steady growth of the Chinese economy have reduced the attractiveness
of Kazakhstan for ethnic Kazakhs from
China, which means that the migration of Kazakhs from China will be even more diminishing in the future.Studies of recent years show that Kazakhs in China are very worried about the preservation
of
their native
language and national identity. This is a push factor for the resettlement of Chinese Kazakhs to Kazakhstan in recent years. The older generation, worried about the preservation
of
their national identity, associates its
future with Kazakhstan, the confirmation of which we can see from the
desire of Kazakh youth from China to study in universities of Kazakhstan. Considering that one of the priorities
of the foreign policy of the Republic of
Kazakhstan is the development of relations with ethnic Kazakhs abroad, the government faces the task of more actively pursuing a policy of
attracting
ethnic Kazakhs from
abroad to
Kazakhstan. As it was
revealed from the study, the benefits granted to oralmans according to the current Law on Migration of the Republic of Kazakhstan regulating
the
migration processes of
the
country,
did not manage
to
sufficiently
stimulate the migration
of Kazakhs from China to Kazakhstan. Also, the economy of Kazakhstan is no longer attractive to Kazakhs abroad. In the future, in
order to give
a
new
impetus
to
Kazakh
migration, the government will need to work directly with Kazakh youth abroad. For this, it is necessary to increase the social and economic attractiveness of
Kazakhstan. Then the Kazakh youth will be willing to start their adult life
in Kazakhstan, which will give a new impetus to the development of the migration of Kazakhs.
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