Revista de Ciencias Sociales (RCS)
Vol. XXX, No. 4, Octubre - Diciembre 2024. pp. 19-30
FCES - LUZ ● ISSN: 1315-9518 ● ISSN-E: 2477-9431
Como citar: Pérez-Romero, J. O., Pozo, K., Rivera-Gamarra,
A. C., y Reyes, C. K. (2024). Indigenous rights in Latin America and
Peru: An intercultural approach. Revista De Ciencias Sociales, XXX(4),
19-30.
Indigenous rights in
Latin America and Peru: An intercultural approach
Pérez-Romero, James Obed*
Pozo Johanson, Katherin**
Rivera-Gamarra, Ana Carolina***
Reyes Cuba, Claudia Katherine****
Abstract
The rights of
indigenous peoples have been a highly debated topic in Latin American
scenarios, being the result of a process of collective struggles to achieve
social demands. It is a historical fact that contemplates a series of
mechanisms that guarantee the protection of the indigenous populations of the
region. By virtue of the above, this paper aims to evaluate the role of the
law, as well as its degree of compliance in safeguarding the integrity of
aboriginal populations in Latin America and Peru. The method used is that of
documentary exploration, which contemplates the selection of bibliographic
material from specialized academic sources. Among the main findings is that indigenous
law has achieved relevance after the efforts made by international
organizations such as the International Labor Organization and the United
Nations. Likewise, in the Peruvian context, the current Political Constitution
guarantees the protection of diversity, but, beyond the recognition of
multiculturalism, the law must seek an intercultural approach as a mechanism to
stop exclusion. It is concluded that interculturality is an effective mechanism
to provide access to the right to dignity for indigenous populations.
Keywords: Human rights;
indigenous rights; intercultural rights; exclusion; inclusion.
Derechos
indígenas en América Latina y Perú: Un enfoque intercultural
Resumen
El derecho de los pueblos indígenas ha
sido un tema altamente debatido en los escenarios latinoamericanos, siendo el
resultante de un proceso de luchas colectivas para lograr reivindicaciones
sociales. Es un hecho histórico que contempla una serie de mecanismos que
garantizan la protección de las poblaciones autóctonas de la región. En virtud
de lo anterior, el artículo tiene como objetivo evaluar el papel del derecho,
así como su grado de cumplimiento para salvaguardar la integridad de las
poblaciones aborígenes en América Latina y el Perú. El método utilizado es el
de exploración documental, que contempla la selección de material bibliográfico
desde fuentes académicas especializadas. Entre los principales hallazgos se
tiene que el derecho indígena ha alcanzado relevancia tras los esfuerzos
realizados por organismos internacionales como la Organización Internacional
del Trabajo y la Organización de las Naciones Unidas. Asimismo, en el contexto
peruano, la Constitución Política vigente, garantiza la protección de la
diversidad, pero, se plantea que, más allá del reconocimiento de la
multiculturalidad, el derecho ha de procurar un enfoque intercultural, como
mecanismo para frenar la exclusión. Se concluye que la interculturalidad es un
mecanismo efectivo para brindar acceso al derecho a la dignificación de las
poblaciones indígenas.
Palabras
clave:
Derechos humanos; derechos indígenas; derechos interculturales; exclusión;
inclusión.
Introduction
This
research begins with the recognition of the heterogeneity of the indigenous
peoples of Latin America and Peru, their historical struggles for identity, to
preserve their culture, their vital rights, for the safeguarding of their land,
ensuring the transmission of cultural legacies in the face of the advances of
Western globalization. Now, it is also taken into consideration that asymmetric
and vulnerable contexts cannot be corrected by the mere will of individuals;
they require profound theoretical and conceptual revisions that aim at
transforming the norm, changing the flawed standards of law, and transcending
towards an intercultural legal approach.
Recent
research considers the approach to indigenous issues from diverse perspectives,
such as marginality and social integration processes (Reyes-Ortiz, Martin-Fiorino
& Padilla-Lozano, 2023); the review of normative aspects implicit in the
political constitutions of each nation (Granja, 2022); labor precariousness
(Palacios & Mondragón, 2021); the exclusion of indigenous communities from
education (Velásquez et al., 2022; Díaz-León, Palacios-Serna &
Borrego-Rosas, 2024); fraternity and gender equality (Luzardo, 2023); the
possibilities of alternative communication (Cusihuamán-Sisa et al., 2023);
comprehensive well-being and mental health (Curiel, Chiquillo & Amaya, 2024);
among other topics that highlight the relevance and importance of the
theoretical discussion of the indigenous problem in Latin America and,
specifically, in Peru.
In
light of the above, the article aims to evaluate the role of indigenous
peoples' rights in Latin America and Peru, as well as their degree of effective
compliance, to protect the integrity of native collectives, while proposing an
intercultural review of their precepts, aspiring to achieve social change.
1. Methodology
The
research offers a documentary-type exploration, considered a process of
description, validation, and theoretical contrast of the observed phenomena.
This methodological approach offers a series of fundamental postulates about
the object of knowledge, as it extracts valuable data for interpretation.
According to Aldaz (2023), a legal-type investigation warrants a documented
review of the phenomenon, which allows it to be understood from a broad
perspective, from philosophical, ethnic, normative, and legal postulates, which
consider, for the purposes of the article, the analysis of essential categories
to define indigenous law in Latin America, indigenous law in Peru, and the
urgency of intercultural law in the Peruvian context.
This
is a study situated within the interpretative paradigm, based on the analysis
of qualitative data, to expand the understanding of the object of study,
serving as a foundation for future research. In this line of thought, the
article considers the selection of documents from specialized academic sources,
such as Scopus, Latindex, Redalyc, Scielo, Google Scholar, among others.
Likewise,
it uses documentary sources provided by international organizations, such as:
The United Nations (UN), the International Labour Organization (ILO), the
Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (ACNUDH). In the Peruvian
case, a review is conducted of the data provided by the National Institute of
Statistics and Informatics (INEI) and the National Political Constitution.
2. Results and discussion
2.1. Rights of indigenous people in Latin America
Starting
from the 1970s, indigenous struggles gained prominence, leading to changes in
the conceptualization of Southern nations, accepting their heterogeneity and
the existence of minority, diverse, and culturally varied communities, with a
worldview, identity, and forms of organization different from those
traditionally established.
For
this reason, a stage of redefining citizenship begins, accepting social and
collective struggles as elements that question the actions of the State and the
asymmetric and social oppression contexts, from which indigenous social
organizations and movements have emerged, publicly demanding the dignity of
life, insisting on their inclusion in normative and legal discussions developed
at the global level (Zeballosf-Cuathin, 2023).
According
to Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL, 2014), the
struggle for indigenous rights in Latin America and the Caribbean has been
progressive throughout history. It is a prolonged process of struggles in
search of the reclamation and recognition of fundamental rights, where the ILO Convenio
No. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples, signed in 1989, stands out. This
convention establishes two fundamental principles: The right of indigenous
peoples to cultural preservation, accompanied by their ways of life and
self-development, and the right of indigenous peoples to decide their
priorities, the development indicators that best suit their ways of life, their
beliefs, spiritual well-being, and the management of their institutions (Organización
Internacional del Trabajo [OIT], 1989).
The OIT
(1989), considers it relevant to protect and provide shelter to tribal peoples,
whose sociocultural conditions set them apart from the collective. Likewise, it
urges the defense of the rights of indigenous peoples who are distant from
urban life, inhabitants of a specific geographical locality, and also those
populations that maintain their indigenous identity as a distinguishing criterion.
The
aforementioned international organization points out that it is the State's
responsibility to develop, coordinate, and protect the rights of indigenous
peoples, while also promoting the fulfillment and operationalization of
essential rights, in order to close economic gaps, eliminate social
vulnerabilities, and ensure inclusion in social spheres.
Following
the signing of ILO Convenio No. 169, the indigenous peoples of Latin America
entered a struggle to ensure that their existence was recognized at the
constitutional level, claiming cultural, multicultural, pluricultural, ethnic,
and multiethnic rights. In this context, the struggles carried out in Colombia,
Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador stand out, leading to the recognition of
customary law by the State, by government bodies, and by indigenous representation
(Aylwin, 2014).
Through
this, marked importance is given to the autonomy of indigenous populations, the
protection of territories is prohibited, and municipalities and territorial
districts are created, as those established in Colombia, Ecuador, or Mexico.
This stage of reformism gave rise to a stage of seeking recognition for the
rights of the invisible, victims, and those excluded from the neoliberal
policies of the 1990s, so the essential sense lay in breaking the conventional
power structures, closing the normative, legal, and regulatory gap that
invalidated the fulfillment of the rights of the indigenous populations of the
region (Aylwin, 2014).
Aylwin's
(2014) position can be contrasted with Walsh's (2002) postulates, which assert
that this historical stage has profound relevance, as it seeks the recognition
of customary indigenous law, with the aim of opening up theoretical, legal,
normative, and ethical discussions that stem from pluralism, the recognition of
the coexistence of various legal systems, but with an underlying equality. By
virtue of the above, there is a call for the construction of social
coexistence, a new political culture based on the legitimization of
interculturality, as a dialogical space between the similarities and
differences of the various social actors.
The
struggles for indigenous rights that began in the 20th century were
strengthened by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples in 2007, which emphasizes the self-determination of peoples and the
minimum characteristics to ensure state protection, non-discrimination, the
right to development, integrity, the preservation of their culture, land
ownership, the safeguarding of natural resources, and active participation in
national political arenas. Such a declaration recognizes the existence of
populations on all the continents of the planet.
Therefore,
it is not limited to an Americanist vision, but emphasizes the indigenous
communities scattered across Asia, Africa, America, and Europe, not offering,
according to the Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los
Derechos Humanos (ACNUDH, 2013), an explicit definition of indigenous peoples,
but rather being governed by international consensus and adherence to the
identity to which they belong.
As can
be seen, the UN has been a pioneer in the discussion on the rights of
indigenous peoples and communities. Since the 1980s, it has promoted various
programs, projects, activities, and policies to address indigenous issues,
establishing dialogue processes between indigenous communities and
representatives of the State and various international organizations.
The
work developed by the UN aims to integrate perspectives to address the issues
of human rights and land, which is why its actions converge with relevant
events such as the Earth Summit of 1992, the World Conference on Human Rights
of 1993, the Fourth World Conference on Women of 1995, among other activities
that, although the central focus was not on indigenous issues, the discussion
of this reality was present (CEPAL, 2014).
Now,
it is not until the year 2007, when, through the aforementioned Declaration on
the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, that the UN manages to consolidate various
perspectives to address indigenous rights in the region, seeking the
recognition of their human rights and the preservation of culture, while also
fostering harmonious relations between the State and the communities. The
ethical foundation of this proposal is based on democratic values, justice,
non-discrimination, and the joint effort to ensure regional development (Organización
de las Naciones Unidas [ONU], 2007).
The
ideological basis of this statement is contained in the following assertion: “Indigenous
peoples have the right, as communities or as individuals, to the full enjoyment
of all human rights and fundamental freedoms recognized in the Charter of the
United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and international
human rights standards (ONU, 2007, Art. 1).
From
these foundations, based on the respect and safeguarding of human rights and
individual freedoms, the other rights contemplated in this declaration are
derived, among which the Right to self-determination, self-governance, and
autonomous forms of subsistence stand out. In essence, Article 4 of the
declaration guarantees the political status of indigenous communities, the
freedom to fully develop economically, socially, and culturally, with
self-determination being a form of right recognized by the international
community, which extends to other rights. According to the ACNUDH (2013),
self-determination supports the rest of the political rights contained in the
2007 Declaration (ONU, 2007), such as:
a. Right
to the preservation of their own political, legal, social, and cultural
institutions (Art. 5).
b. Right
to identity and nationality (Art. 6).
c. Right
to cultural preservation, to non-forced assimilation, and to the establishment
of effective mechanisms for the prevention of these eventualities (Art. 8).
d. Right
to cultural, religious, traditional, and spiritual expressions (Art. 12).
e. Right
to land, territories, and resources (Art. 26).
While
there are many elements that make up this declaration, these articles highlight
its intention, which is the recognition of the inherent rights of indigenous
communities, contributing to the preservation of cultural diversity in the
Latin American region. For Martínez (2024), this statement establishes the
evidentiary basis for recognizing and denouncing the injustices suffered by
indigenous peoples throughout their history, a theoretical stance that can be
compared with other authors such as Méndez & Morán (2014); Dussel (2021); Torrez
(2023); and Alvarado (2023), among others, who assert that the starting point
of the process of discrimination against indigenous populations has its origin
in the conquest of America, a process that led to the invisibilization of their
rights and identity, initiating a colonial stage that has persisted to the
present day.
Torrez
(2023) considers that, from this moment on, indigenous populations entered
processes of exclusion, stigmatization, and subalternization, as a constant
denial of their cultural identity. Culture that, according to Morán (2021),
enjoyed considerable development, complex forms of social organization,
economic solidity, and advanced forms of civilization within the historical
framework of the conquest. It is a denial that has persisted over time and has
led to the emergence of various processes of resistance and questioning for the
rights denied and rendered invisible by Western civilization (Alvarado, 2023).
For
Martínez (2024), beyond the recognition given by international organizations,
indigenous rights represent a process of struggle, with distinguishable
strategies, inserting themselves into an alternative narrative that seeks the
consolidation of indigenous rights as an integral part of human rights, thus
demonstrating the urgency of overcoming the limitations of the monoculturalism
implicit in the Latin American region.
According
to the above, this implies the conceptual, normative, and interpretative
restructuring of social order and human rights, accepting that they are more
than a rhetorical or discursive strategy, but that, amidst their universality,
they must address peculiar situations, specific cultural conditions,
understanding the ways of being, living, acting, and taking action of
indigenous populations, erasing existing barriers in geographical limitations,
setting aside the dogmatic and traditional vision of human rights.
Following
the 2007 Declaration, indigenous populations gained relevance on international
stages, proposing a series of territorial, educational, and public law reforms
in defense of cultural identity. For this reason, the demands took on other
dimensions, becoming particularly pronounced in each nation, driving struggles
from social bases, from ethnicity, from communal niches, to the point of
projecting themselves internationally. These demands aim to create conditions
for the dignification of existence, to guarantee living spaces, natural and
territorial resources, and the free expression of their traditions, protected
by constitutional laws and current international agreements.
The recognition
of indigenous rights tends towards the transformation of social and legal
structures in the region, while also addressing the monoculturalism promoted by
the Westernization of life. As part of the process of change, the struggles and
social movements that have arisen over the centuries have driven changes from
within international agreements and international regulations, giving rise to
cultural pluralism and interculturality, questioning the univocal sense of
history and reality, demanding an understanding of cultural dynamism and
variability, which requires a new definition of citizenship, based on equity,
respect, and tolerance, essential foundations of intercultural dialogue and
knowledge.
2.2. Indigenous
Rights in Peru
In the
Peruvian context, the existence of various indigenous populations can be noted,
from the coast, the highlands, to the Amazon, established in communities,
sharing the occupation of territories referred to as ancestral, as a way of
preserving their identity, preventing external threats, the impacts of the
negative effects of Western globalization, and other exogenous elements that
harm the natural development of their activities.
In the
census conducted by Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática (INEI, 2017),
5,771,885 people were defined as indigenous inhabitants in the Andean region,
which accounts for 24.9% of the total population surveyed in Peru. Of this
population sample, 2,801,412 represent the male population and 2,970,473
represent the female population. Likewise, when breaking it down by age,
1,722,149 belong to the youth population, aged between 15 and 19 years,
1,647,548 correspond to young adults between 30 and 44 years, 1,139,975 to
adults aged between 45 and 59 years, 924,900 to the elderly, and finally,
337,313 minors.
Regarding
the preservation of indigenous languages, the INEI (2017) reported that, at the
time of the census, 2,893,670 people identified as Quechua speakers, followed
by 392,228 Aymara speakers; both ethnic groups have used their native languages
since childhood. In addition to this, there are small population groups that
keep other native languages alive. However, this reality is conditioned by the
learning of Spanish, being the second most used language among indigenous
populations, followed by Quechua. Thus, Spanish has become a mechanism of
interaction and contact with the rest of the Peruvian population.
For
its part, the Ministerio de Cultura de Perú (2016) states that indigenous
rights are protected and recognized by the Political Constitution of 1993,
which in its articles 51, 38, and 44 establish constitutional supremacy for the
protection of civil rights, being the supreme norm for identifying and
resolving administrative and judicial matters. Likewise, it assumes the role of
the State as a guarantor of human rights, balancing human rights, and
circumscribing all legal norms to these spaces.
Indigenous
rights in Peru are defined by the characteristics present in the original
peoples. In other words, they are assumed to be collectives or groups of people
subject to law, in addition to recognizing the right to have their own
representatives, their procedures, and the free exercise of their rights before
the State and other individuals. It thus guarantees the right to self-determination,
the preservation of customs, traditions, and unique cultural qualities, which
implies a differentiated treatment, connected to the protection of human rights
established in the political constitution (Ministerio de Cultura de Perú,
2016).
As can
be appreciated, the existing ethnic diversity in Peru represents the cultural
richness of the nation, the possibility of expanding knowledge, through the
Aymara and Quechua worldviews, which have a rich ancestral tradition and have
been resilient against processes of exclusion, colonization, and Western
globalization. On the other hand, ethnicity in Peru emphasizes the prevalence
of cultural heterogeneity which, in today's world, is crucial for the
preservation of Southern nations and in the struggles for the preservation of
the identity of the peoples (Hinojosa & Catacora, 2024).
According
to Hallazi (2019), despite the efforts made by international organizations and
the Peruvian State, the lack of clarity regarding indigenous rights to land,
territories, and the freedom to associate collectively results in a state of
political helplessness. Subject to these vulnerabilities, they face various
threats, such as mining activities, which have forced indigenous populations to
relocate from their place of origin. Such activities cause soil degradation,
water pollution, and violate what is established in the national Political
Constitution, which guarantees the preservation of national heritage.
This
reality is the result of the lack of clarity in the laws that grant protection
to indigenous populations and prioritize concessions and exploitation, creating
conditions of social vulnerability. Following this line of argument,
concessions affect land ownership, the free exercise of its use and enjoyment,
highlighting weaknesses in the Peruvian legal system, especially when it comes
to establishing effective and transparent mechanisms for conducting public
consultations prior to land intervention.
However,
it is not only the exploitation of land and concessions that constitute threats
to indigenous rights, such as the loss of biodiversity, the advance of
large-scale corporate industries, urbanization, the construction of tourist
complexes, housing, and roads that, while representing national progress, mask
the progressive displacement of indigenous populations (González, 2020). In
this line of thought, social conflicts, violence, and corruption also represent
forms of violation of indigenous rights, as they create complex, destructive
situations that result in the diminishing of the cultural and linguistic
diversity of indigenous populations.
Despite
the legal advances that have been made in Peru, indigenous populations continue
to face great challenges, particularly regarding land tenure and protection, as
their own resources, as well as their relationship with the land, have been
displaced to make way for the instrumental logic driven by modernity. In this
line of thought, cultural diversity is exposed to the danger of external
threats, such as the exploitation of nature, excessive urbanization, the lack
of protection and safeguarding of cultural identity, which creates scenarios of
defenselessness, corruption, and social vulnerability, widening the previously
existing social gaps.
2.3. Intercultural Rights in Peru
According
to Flórez, Puente de la Vega-Aparicio & Canahuire (2023),
the treatment of interculturality in Peru begins in the 1979 Constitution,
which states that social democracy is the political foundation of Peruvian
society, accompanied by education that provides autonomy to individuals while
preventing the violation of laws that promote intolerance and marginalization.
Therefore, it proposes the preservation of the identity of the peoples through
public laws aimed at bilingual education, with special emphasis on indigenous
languages.
These
constitutional foundations represented the first political, legal, and
normative attempts to define interculturality in Peru, marking a reform process
following the military government of Velasco Alvarado, which spanned the years
1968 to 1975. While this represented a significant advance, its guidelines had
greater importance in the educational sphere, leaving aside the underlying
legal urgencies.
Since
the establishment of the Political Constitution of 1993, new perspectives and orientations
on interculturality in the Peruvian context have emerged. Regarding the above,
Ponce & Espinoza (2012) start from the premise that Peru is a multicultural
nation, composed of various ethnic groups that exhibit customs, habits, and
ways of being that are distinguishable from one another, elements that are
implicit in the constitutional text.
However,
the aforementioned authors, like Walsh (2005); and Alarcón, Fernández &
Leal (2020), believe that the recognition of multiculturalism does not call for
intercultural dialogic action, nor for the preservation of the right to
cultural, linguistic, and social heterogeneity, since the Peruvian political
organization does not recognize the plurality and interculturality implicit in
the national territory, but rather presents a multicultural model of society,
which tends towards a permanent homogenization of culture and adaptation to
liberal and neoliberal models of accelerated industrialization.
According
to Alarcón et al. (2020), the adoption of these models is insufficient to
subvert the order and modify the conception of the State, which masks social
inequalities and inequities, racial segregation, the unjust distribution of
wealth, and the establishment of power structures that privilege the dominant culture.
The multiculturalism recognized in Latin American spaces implies a process of
cultural separation or segregation. It assumes the coexistence of different
cultures, but without reaching an intercultural coexistence, which has become a
gradual subordination of identities, the creation of displaced and
invisibilized groups by Latin American policies and legal systems.
In the
Peruvian case, although 44 languages coexist, including Amazonian, Andean, and
Spanish, there is a trend towards the decline of indigenous languages, which
means a considerable loss of the existing cultural wealth in the nation, since
language is a symbol of culture (Cassirer, 2016), denoting plurality, from
which the realization of peoples derives. In other words, the pursuit of the
reclamation of Aboriginal rights means the review of national law, recognizing
that it is a social phenomenon; that is, it is a human product, which is based
on moral norms; therefore, it obeys a broad universe of action, such as
culture.
Indeed,
there is a concordance between law and culture, as long as social welfare is
sought, representing a break with the static vision of the law and betting on
legal pluralism, which goes against the centralist vision of the State,
recognizing that Peru is not only a multicultural country but an intercultural
one, experiencing political events, political tensions, and discrepancies, but
all of the above constitutes intercultural dialogical processes of encounters
and disagreements, which progressively legitimize the existence of indigenous
nations within Peru.
However,
historically, Peru has used indigenous elements to consolidate an Andean
utopia. In other words, a vision of the indigenous is constructed based on the
theoretical statements of non-indigenous intellectuals, subordinating racial
differences, who considered the indigenous as synonymous with peasant or
Indian. Now then, despite the fact that these linguistic connotations have been
modified over time, the entrenched structures remain in social settings (Walsh,
2005).
Under
this approach, the indigenous person continues to be seen as a peasant, as an
Indian, as an inferior social class that, as urbanization, migration, and
ethnic crossings advance, are displaced and made invisible, being deprived of
their rights to education, cultural expression, and the use of their language,
while what is characteristic of their culture is designated as folkloric,
anecdotal, rural, aligning with stereotypical views of the aboriginal.
The
above should lead to modifying the applicability of the laws, resorting to
effective techniques and procedures that allow for dialogical and
confrontational interaction between indigenous groups and the rest of the
Peruvian population. With confrontation, there is no allusion to negative processes,
but rather to dialoguing from tensions, which necessitates creating spaces for
encounter, breaking the masked racism hidden in the extended definitions of
multiculturalism.
Interculturality
urges us to rethink the law, to review the norm, its ethical dimension, to
understand the various social actors, to consider inclusive perspectives, to
rescue the ancestral vision of the peoples, which includes feeling and thinking
about the land, caring for nature, preserving language, diversifying culture, engaging
in dialogical encounters, crossing rights, seeking viable, flexible
alternatives, which are not free from bidirectional resistances, but which
strive for a different and inclusive society.
In
this sense, the aim is for intercultural rights in Peru to advance towards
equity, social justice, and the recognition of cultural identity, transcending
multicultural approaches and promoting a genuine process of knowledge exchange
between the cultures that make up this nation. This warrants the reformulation
of the law from an intercultural, dialogical, and critical perspective, with
the aim of safeguarding the wealth and diversity of Peru, as a commitment of
the State to society and in response to the demands of the historically
developed struggles around cultural heritage.
Conclusions
The
enormous growth of global society necessitates the establishment of
safeguarding mechanisms for the preservation of indigenous populations, their
culture, their languages, and their territories, as an essential part of their
collective rights, acquired through an arduous process of resistance and social
conquests over the centuries. In this sense, the research provides a
theoretical-documentary contribution for the understanding and expansion of
knowledge regarding indigenous law and its intercultural peculiarities, as part
of customary norms that must be applied, practiced, and exercised to achieve
social inclusion and effective dialogue among social actors.
Seen
this way, the intercultural approach to indigenous rights transcends the
multicultural vision of the law that, subtly, masks criteria of exclusion and
social marginalization by defining the indigenous person as peripheral, as a
peasant, illiterate, as a folkloric entity, which must be preserved to comply
with international regulations. In
contrast, the proposal aspires for interculturality to guarantee the right to
preservation, dignify the human condition, and urge the inclusion of indigenous
populations, strengthening the political system of Peru and the Latin American
region.
The
research, in addition to its evident theoretical contribution, which provides a
broad understanding of the phenomenon addressed, such as indigenous law and its
intercultural peculiarities in the Peruvian nation, aspires to implementation through
regulations, plans, and projects that promote inclusive social action. However,
the research is not without limitations, as it does not focus on specific
communities and the resolution of spatio-temporal problems, but rather aims to
provide guidance to intercultural contexts characterized by political,
economic, and social tensions that come into conflict with the rights of
indigenous populations.
Additionally,
it leaves open the possibility of constructing new lines of research, linking
intercultural action with law, with the legal system, with the philosophy of
law, with the legal protection of the environment in indigenous territories,
among others. In this way, the relevance and pertinence of this type of
research for the social sciences are evidenced, with a clear intention of
collective benefit.
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* Bachiller de
Derecho. Investigador en la Universidad Privada del Norte, Trujillo, Perú. E-mail: n00123852@upn.pe ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0002-8215-9340
** Abogada. Investigadora
en la Universidad Privada del
Norte, Trujillo, Perú. E-mail: n00126184@upn.pe ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5894-6697
*** Magister en Derecho
del Trabajo y la Seguridad Social. Especialización en Gestión Pública y Administración Pública. Abogada. Docente
Investigadora en la Universidad Privada del Norte, Trujillo, Perú. E-mail: ana.rivera@upn.pe ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1762-2194
**** Doctora
en Derecho. Magister en Gestión Pública.
Docente en la Universidad Privada del Norte, Trujillo, Perú. E-mail: claudia.reyes@upn.edu.pe ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3976-162X
Recibido:
2024-06-20 · Aceptado:
2024-09-07